Benjamin Waterhouse Hawkins and the early history of three-dimensional paleontological art

ABSTRACT Benjamin Waterhouse Hawkins (1807–1894) was a British scientific illustrator and sculptor who illustrated many British exploration reports in the 1830s and 1840s. In the early 1850s, Hawkins was commissioned to create life-size, concrete sculptures of Iguanodon, ichthyosaurs, and other extinct animals for a permanent exhibition in south London. They were the first large sculptures of extinct vertebrates ever made, and they are still on view today. Inspired by his success in England, Hawkins launched a lecture tour and working trip to North America in 1868. Soon after his arrival, he was commissioned to “undertake the resuscitation of a group of animals of the former periods of the American continent” for public display in New York City. Had it been built, this would have been the first paleontological museum in the world. As part of this ambitious project, with the assistance of the American paleontologist Joseph Leidy, Hawkins cast the bones of a recently discovered Hadrosaurus specimen and used them to construct the first articulated dinosaur skeleton ever put on display in a museum. It was unveiled at the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia in November 1868. Hawkins worked tirelessly on New York’s proposed “Paleozoic Museum” for two years, until his funding was cut by William “Boss” Tweed, the corrupt leader of the Tammany Hall political machine, who grew hostile to the project and abolished the Central Park Commission that had made it possible. When Hawkins defiantly continued to work, without funding, Tweed dispatched a gang of thugs to break into his studio and smash all of the sculptures and molds. Although Hawkins would create several copies of his articulated Hadrosaurus skeleton for other institutions, the prospect of building a grand museum of paleontology in America was forever destroyed by Tweed’s actions.

The Empire Club Strikes Back

A key flaw in the standard, culturalist interpretation is that prohibitionism was a “whitelash” of conservative, rural, nativists “disciplining” of immigrants and blacks. The reality of 1840s New York was completely different: not only were Irish immigrants more likely to be temperate than their nativist, American counterparts (Chapter 5), but the focus of temperance activism—the money-making liquor traffic—was actually in the hands of established white nativists like “Captain” Isaiah Rynders, “Boss” Tweed, and the corrupt Tammany Hall machine. In upstate New York, temperance-abolitionist-suffragist reformers--including Frederick Douglass, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Amelia Bloomer, and Susan B. Anthony--began a movement for women’s equality born of their temperance activism. Concurrent with the 1853 World’s Fair in New York, Rynders and his Know-Nothings clashed, physically, with the equal-rights reformers from upstate, whose temperance threatened the financial foundations of the Tammany Hall political machine.

Mendulang Suara di Masa Pandemi dengan Komunikasi Persuasif (Studi Kasus Pemilihan Umum Kepala Daerah Samarinda Untuk Pasangan Calon dengan Tag Line Siap Dipilih Berani Ditagih)

Direct election’s celebration of the head of the region at each steps in 2020 has been held at pandemic situation of covid-19. The decision of KPUD Samarinda has final and the candidate number 2 has been sworn with length of service 2021-2024 periods. The main question that will be asked is how is the candidate number 3 communicates the message they have to be interesting and positively so vote acquisition of the candidat number 3 can align with the candidat number 2 of vote’s acquisition whereas the political machine not so mature than the winner’s political machine. To answer this question, this article uses Analysis of Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM) and using qualitative descriptive analysis with case study for detail and depth investigation of the candidate number 3 with tag line “Siap Dipilih Berani Ditagih.”

Is Macron the persuader reaching the end of the road?

For Emmanuel Macron it is natural that a French President should have the powers of an English Tudor monarch. He also believes in a version of neoliberalism in which the state is rolled back when it comes to protections for workers, welfare support and regulating the economy, but not in its role in determining everything. Macron was a key Hollande advisor at the time of his U-turn to neoliberalism, and he has been named 'the Great Manipulator'. As French citizens have become increasingly disenchanted with his performance, Macron's political machine, Le République En Marche!, has crumbled. The signs are that he will now tack further to the populist right.

Teacher Unions, Political Machines, and the Thorny Politics of Education Reform in Latin America

Existing research on developing countries emphasizes the decisive power of teacher unions in education politics. Yet that power varies, and a full understanding of the roots of union power and the sources of cross-national variation requires deeper analysis of organizational dynamics within unions. This analysis supports four arguments. First, teachers have a range of advantages in overcoming obstacles to collective action. Second, unions are not all alike; they vary widely, from interest groups (in Chile, Brazil, and Peru) to powerful political machines (in Mexico and Ecuador). Third, the source of this variation lies in factors (e.g., influence over teacher hiring) that shift power within unions from members to leaders in political-machine unions. Fourth, analyzing the dimensions of variation helps explain the different outcomes of recent reforms to teacher careers in Latin America, especially in highlighting the staunch opposition from political-machine unions.

Institutional municipal reform in Russia: actors and their strategies (on the example of «small» local government reform)

One of the main democratic institutions in Russia is local selfgovernment (LSG). This institution is characterized by instability of legal regulation, which is reflected in regular changes and amendments to existing laws. The most significant transformation of the Institute of LSG was in 2003–2009, when the «big» municipal reform was carried out. In 2014, a «small» reform of the LSG was launched, which made it possible to introduce a two-level system of city administration. The new model of local government organization operates only in three cities – Chelyabinsk, Makhachkala and Samara. The purpose of the article is to understand the reasons for the transition of some cities to a new system of organization of local government. The conceptual foundations of the article are the structure-oriented approach of D. North, the «distributional» theory of institutional changes of G. Libecap, and the political and economic approach of D. Acemoglu and G. Robinson's. The research is based on the theory of reforms by J. Roland. The author concluded that limited political autonomy at the bodies and local self-government officials, the lack of mayors during the period of reforms Governor-cartridge a result of the change of the head of the region, the timing of the reform with the end of the term of powers of authorities and local selfgovernment officials, as well as the inclusion of regional authorities compensatory strategies for the urban ruling elite, are factors, which contributed to the implementation of institutional reform. It is shown that the obstacles that prevented the «small» reform of the local government act of political autonomy from consolidated municipal ruling elite, interested in preserving the status quo; the existence of an urban political machine; the lack of compensation of the urban ruling elite for losses which are due to the implementation of the reform; the discrepancy between the time of the reform by the end of the term of authorities and local self-government officials.

Student Status Supervision in Ideological and Political Machine Teaching Based on Machine Learning

Under the premise of active in the field of machine learning, this paper takes online teaching system of ideological and Political education as an example to study machine learning and machine teaching system. In order to specifically understand the current situation of the construction and application of machine teaching based on supervised teaching of ideological and political theory courses in local colleges and universities, this experiment first conducted a statistical analysis of the learning results of the surveyed classes in two semesters from March 2020 to December 2020. The experimental data show that there is a positive interaction between teachers and students. Most students use the interactive communication mode of machines, while a small number of students use real-time interactive discussions with teachers. The experimental results show that the excellent rate of ABC classes in the first semester is 80%, 82% and 90%, respectively, through the machine-supervised teaching mode. Therefore, supervised machine learning can greatly help students improve their academic performance. In the future, we should further explore the application of other personalized and extensible machine learning methods in quality education.

REGIONAL VARIATIONS OF VOTING FOR «UNITED RUSSIA»: THE ROLE OF REGIONAL HEADS

According to the results of the 2016 Duma elections, “United Russia” received 54.2% of the vote under the proportional system. In the regional context, the spread of votes was between 35.19% (in the Altai Territory) and 96.29% (in the Chechen Republic). What causes regional disparities in the vote for the United Russia party? This article aims to find an answer to the above question. In this study, the concept of a regional political machine and the thesis about the ability of regional heads to ensure higher electoral results of the "party in power" are tested. Statistical calculations were performed using binary logistic regression. The regression analysis carried out by the author showed that none of the hypotheses was fully confirmed. Of the six regression models, only three were significant. Each new head of the region in the corps of heads of regional branches of the party added 13% to "United Russia" in the Duma elections in 2011 and 2007. In 2016, an increase in the number of governors in the first places of the regional groups of the federal list of candidates of the "party of power" by 1 unit would lead to an increase in the electoral result by 18%.

NETRALITAS APARATUR SIPIL NEGARA DAN BIROPATOLOGI DALAM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH

The politicization of the bureaucracy cannot be separated from its mutualism character. Regional heads need electoral nutrition from ASN to win their political machine, while ASN needs political networks and closeness to power to build a career in the bureaucracy. This phenomenon will only destroy impartiality, thicken discrimination and KKN-ism in public services, shackle politics in a political remuneration cage and, no less important, reduce the value of democracy. This study method uses a qualitative method, where data is obtained using a literature review. The literature exploration in this study uses data and information sources related to the neutrality of ASN in the context of local elections in various regions and its implications for bureaucracy and democracy. Then the data is classified and analyzed.The results of the study concluded that the principle of ASN neutrality must be a fixed price, especially in the 2020 Regional Election. The ASN Commission as a partner of Bawaslu and the institution was given the authority to supervise ASN neutrality must be proactive, objectively following up on findings of violations in the field. Therefore, there is no reason for the Civil Service Officer (PPK) (regent/mayor/governor) not to impose strict sanctions on a number of ASN Commission recommendations regarding violations of ASN neutrality. The firmness of PPK in imposing sanctions will greatly help minimize “naughty” ASN.