The Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany: Soviet Policy Debate in the Press 1975-1981

1986 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lena Jonson
1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skubiszewski

The present article examines the provisions on the western frontier of Poland in the treaties concluded by the Federal Republic of Germany in 1970 with the Soviet Union and Poland. The emphasis will be on the Polish-German Treaty, which is essentially concerned with the settlement of the frontier issue between the two parties. The article deals with the position of the German party and its competence to enter into treaty obligations that bear on the frontiers of Germany, as well as with the competence of the Great Powers to do so. Further, the article elucidates the meaning and effects of the resolution which the German Bundestag adopted when it voted the laws which approved the treaties and enabled the President of the Federal Republic to ratify them. Against this background of the competences of the interested states, the article briefly analyzes the contents of the clauses that bear on the Oder-Neisse frontier.


Research Station at Cambridge and somewhat later at the Wantage Research Laboratories of the Atomic Energy Research Establishment. By the mid- or late 1950s national research programs on food irradiation were also underway in Belgium, Canada, France, The Netherlands, Poland, the Soviet Union, and the Federal Republic of Germany. This early history of food irradiation has been reviewed by Goldblith (9), Goresline (10), and Josephson (11). In 1960 the first books on food irradiation appeared, written by Desrosiers and Rosenstock in the United States (12) and Kuprianoff and Lang in Germany (13). A first international meeting devoted to discussion of wholesomeness and legisla­ tive aspects of food irradiation was held in Brussels in 1961 (14). In the United Kingdom the report of a government working party on irradiation of food (15) summarized and evaluated the studies done until 1964. The first commercial use of food irradiation occurred in 1957 in the Federal Republic of Germany, when a spice manufacturer in Stuttgart began to improve the hygienic quality of his products by irradiating them with electrons using a Van de Graaff generator (16). The machine had to be dismantled in 1959 when a new food law prohibited the treatment of foods with ionizing radiation, and the company turned to fumigation with ethylene oxide instead. In Canada irradiation of potatoes for inhibition of sprouting was allowed in 1960 and a private company, Newfield Products Ltd., began irradiating potatoes at Mont St. Hilaire, near Montreal, in September 1965. The plant used a 60Co source and was designed to process some 15,000 t of potatoes a month. It closed after only one season, when the company ran into financial difficulties (17). In spite of these setbacks, interest in food irradiation grew worldwide. At the first International Symposium of Food Irradiation, held in Karlsruhe, Germany, and organized by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), representa­ tives from 28 countries reviewed the progress made in research laboratories (18). However, health authorities in these countries still hesitated to grant permissions for marketing irradiated foods. At that time only three countries— Canada, the United States, and the Soviet Union— had given clearance for human consump­ tion of a total of five irradiated foods, all treated with low radiation doses. The food industry had not yet made use of the permissions. Irradiated foods were still not marketed anywhere. Questions about the safety for human consumption of irradiated foods were still hotly debated and this was recognized as the major obstacle to commercial utilization of the new process. As a result of this recognition the International Project in the Field of Food Irradiation (IFIP) was created in 1970, with the specific aim of sponsoring a worldwide research program on the wholesomeness of irradiated foods. Under the sponsorship of the IAEA in Vienna, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in Rome, and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in Paris, 19 countries joined their re­ sources, with this number later growing to 24 (see Table 1). The World Health

1995 ◽  
pp. 22-22

1980 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Arndt

During the current political era, which has been marked by the attempts of the two superpowers to abate the economic and political burdens of their intercontinental and other “military build-up” through mutual dialogue (e.g., SALT, MBFR) and to achieve a certain détente in their relationship, a government came to power in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) after the 1969 parliamentary elections, whose declared goal was to make its own German contribution to help bring about a relaxation in international tensions, secure the peace in Central Europe, and make life there more tolerable for its inhabitants. The effort was all the more important because Germany was and is the only place on earth where the United States and the Soviet Union face each other directly. Initially, this political goal, securing the peace by relaxing tensions, was effected by the establishment of an extensive system of international treaties, usually between the Federal Republic of Germany on the one side, and the states of Eastern Europe with Communist governments on the other. Only to the extent that Berlin and the rights of the Allied powers of World War II were affected, were the three Western occupying powers (the United States, the United Kingdom, and France) included in the system of treaties, partly by exchanges of notes and partly directly (e.g., the Berlin Quadripartite Agreement).


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
Igor Yu. Kotin ◽  
Nina G. Krasnodembskaya ◽  
Elena S. Soboleva

The authors of this contribution analyze the circumstances and the history of a popular play that was staged in the Soviet Union in 1927-1928. Titled Jumah Masjid, this play was devoted to the anti-colonial movement in India. A manuscript of the play, not indicating its title and the name of its author, was found in the St. Petersburg Branch of the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences among the papers related to A.M. and L.A. Meerwarth, members of the First Russian Expedition to Ceylon and India (1914-1918). Later on, two copies of this play under the title The Jumah Masjid were found in the Russian Archive of Literature and Art and in the Museum of the Tovstonogov Grand Drama Theatre. The authors of this article use archival and published sources to analyze the reasons for writing and staging the play. They consider the image of India as portrayed by a Soviet playwright in conjunction with Indologists that served as consultants, and as seen by theater critics and by the audience (according to what the press reflected). Arguably, the celebration of the 10th anniversary of the October Revolution in Russia in 1927 and the VI Congress of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1928 encouraged writing and staging the play. The detailed picture of the anti-colonial struggle in India that the play offered suggests that professional Indologists were consulted. At the same time the play is critical of the non-violent opposition encouraged by Mahatma Gandhi as well as the Indian National Congress and its political wing known as the Swaraj Party. The research demonstrates that the author of the play was G.S. Venetsianov, and his Indologist consultants were Alexander and Liudmila Meerwarth.


Author(s):  
Simon Wickhamsmith

The Great Repression left Mongolian letters without many of its leading voices, but this also enabled the Party to revive literature in a way more favorable to its ideological trajectory. The first Congress of Mongolian Writers, held in the spring of 1948, was the culmination of a decade’s political development in which writers were encouraged to write about the benefit of labor (D. Sengee’s ‘The Shock Workers’ [Udarnik, 1941] and Ts. Damdinsüren’s ‘How Soli Changed’ [Soli solison ni, 1945]) and so develop a Mongolian Socialist Realism. Through a closer connection with Soviet policy, helped by Mongolia’s moral and practical support of the Soviet Union during the Great Patriotic War, the Writers’ Congress helped to define the ideological basis for Mongolian literature for the next three decades.


2019 ◽  
pp. 35-56
Author(s):  
Elissa Bemporad

Chapter 2 explores the place that the claim of Jewish ritual murder held in interwar Soviet society. The Bolsheviks dealt a blow to the blood libel tradition by confronting aggressively the legacy of the Beilis Affair, and prosecuting those responsible for orchestrating the trial. But ritual murder accusations did not wane in Soviet society. In fact, there were numerous cases of criminal investigations of blood libels that involved investigative commissions, medical experts, the press, and the secret police. If for the Bolshevik state, the Beilis case remained the symbol of the tsarist corrupt system, written and oral references to Beilis echoed through the instances of blood libel in the Soviet Union and validated ritual murder. This chapter also examines the Jewish responses to the blood allegation, showing the assertiveness to denounce the ineptness of local authorities at bringing to justice those responsible for spreading the lie.


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