Moscow—Bonn. Relations between the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany, 1955–1973

1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-106
Author(s):  
Klaus-Detlev Grothusen ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skubiszewski

The present article examines the provisions on the western frontier of Poland in the treaties concluded by the Federal Republic of Germany in 1970 with the Soviet Union and Poland. The emphasis will be on the Polish-German Treaty, which is essentially concerned with the settlement of the frontier issue between the two parties. The article deals with the position of the German party and its competence to enter into treaty obligations that bear on the frontiers of Germany, as well as with the competence of the Great Powers to do so. Further, the article elucidates the meaning and effects of the resolution which the German Bundestag adopted when it voted the laws which approved the treaties and enabled the President of the Federal Republic to ratify them. Against this background of the competences of the interested states, the article briefly analyzes the contents of the clauses that bear on the Oder-Neisse frontier.


Research Station at Cambridge and somewhat later at the Wantage Research Laboratories of the Atomic Energy Research Establishment. By the mid- or late 1950s national research programs on food irradiation were also underway in Belgium, Canada, France, The Netherlands, Poland, the Soviet Union, and the Federal Republic of Germany. This early history of food irradiation has been reviewed by Goldblith (9), Goresline (10), and Josephson (11). In 1960 the first books on food irradiation appeared, written by Desrosiers and Rosenstock in the United States (12) and Kuprianoff and Lang in Germany (13). A first international meeting devoted to discussion of wholesomeness and legisla­ tive aspects of food irradiation was held in Brussels in 1961 (14). In the United Kingdom the report of a government working party on irradiation of food (15) summarized and evaluated the studies done until 1964. The first commercial use of food irradiation occurred in 1957 in the Federal Republic of Germany, when a spice manufacturer in Stuttgart began to improve the hygienic quality of his products by irradiating them with electrons using a Van de Graaff generator (16). The machine had to be dismantled in 1959 when a new food law prohibited the treatment of foods with ionizing radiation, and the company turned to fumigation with ethylene oxide instead. In Canada irradiation of potatoes for inhibition of sprouting was allowed in 1960 and a private company, Newfield Products Ltd., began irradiating potatoes at Mont St. Hilaire, near Montreal, in September 1965. The plant used a 60Co source and was designed to process some 15,000 t of potatoes a month. It closed after only one season, when the company ran into financial difficulties (17). In spite of these setbacks, interest in food irradiation grew worldwide. At the first International Symposium of Food Irradiation, held in Karlsruhe, Germany, and organized by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), representa­ tives from 28 countries reviewed the progress made in research laboratories (18). However, health authorities in these countries still hesitated to grant permissions for marketing irradiated foods. At that time only three countries— Canada, the United States, and the Soviet Union— had given clearance for human consump­ tion of a total of five irradiated foods, all treated with low radiation doses. The food industry had not yet made use of the permissions. Irradiated foods were still not marketed anywhere. Questions about the safety for human consumption of irradiated foods were still hotly debated and this was recognized as the major obstacle to commercial utilization of the new process. As a result of this recognition the International Project in the Field of Food Irradiation (IFIP) was created in 1970, with the specific aim of sponsoring a worldwide research program on the wholesomeness of irradiated foods. Under the sponsorship of the IAEA in Vienna, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in Rome, and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in Paris, 19 countries joined their re­ sources, with this number later growing to 24 (see Table 1). The World Health

1995 ◽  
pp. 22-22

1980 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Arndt

During the current political era, which has been marked by the attempts of the two superpowers to abate the economic and political burdens of their intercontinental and other “military build-up” through mutual dialogue (e.g., SALT, MBFR) and to achieve a certain détente in their relationship, a government came to power in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) after the 1969 parliamentary elections, whose declared goal was to make its own German contribution to help bring about a relaxation in international tensions, secure the peace in Central Europe, and make life there more tolerable for its inhabitants. The effort was all the more important because Germany was and is the only place on earth where the United States and the Soviet Union face each other directly. Initially, this political goal, securing the peace by relaxing tensions, was effected by the establishment of an extensive system of international treaties, usually between the Federal Republic of Germany on the one side, and the states of Eastern Europe with Communist governments on the other. Only to the extent that Berlin and the rights of the Allied powers of World War II were affected, were the three Western occupying powers (the United States, the United Kingdom, and France) included in the system of treaties, partly by exchanges of notes and partly directly (e.g., the Berlin Quadripartite Agreement).


Author(s):  
MARCIN SAR

The author comments on the dynamics of Moscow's effort to reconcile its pursuit of control over Eastern Europe with its interest in a viable Eastern Europe, one that is stable and capable of self-sustaining development. Although Moscow has always exercised control in military matters, it allowed some Eastern Europeans economic independence in the 1970s. Changing circumstances in the 1980s, however, have caused the Kremlin to rethink its relationships with its Eastern European “satallies”— half satellites, half allies. Moscow faces dilemmas in areas such as energy, agriculture, the Eastern European states' relations with the West, economic reforms occurring in Eastern Europe, and integration within COMECON. How Moscow resolves these dilemmas lies at the core of its future relationships with Eastern Europe. Other important factors include the lessons learned from Poland, East Germany's evolving relationship with the Federal Republic of Germany, and China's growing economic and political initiatives vis-à-vis Eastern Europe.


2006 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 443-452
Author(s):  
KARL CHRISTIAN LAMMERS

This article introduces Scandinavia (or the Norden, as the region is sometimes called) and describes the position of the five Nordic countries, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, during the Cold War. The Cold War created a new political situation in the Nordic region, and to some degree divided the Nordic countries between East and West and also on the German question. The introduction analyses how the Nordic countries dealt with Germany – that is with the two German states, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, and also describes the role of the Soviet Union and how it tried to influence the Nordic stance on the German question.


2021 ◽  
Vol 103 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Alexey Sindeev ◽  

The article continues to explore a topic of «Sources of European Security».The author analyzes the role of personalities, processes and factors that have influenced the modern European security system, sustainable and variable elements of the transformation of the European segment of international relations. On the basis of documents from the Swiss Federal Archives, this article highlightsthe position of Switzerland and, in some cases, Austria before the start of the substantive discussions of the agreed agenda at the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). The 1970 Moscow Treaty between the USSR and the Federal Republic of Germany and the start of the CSCE process led to the Soviet Union abandoning its longstanding attempts to establish cooperation between the great powers in parallel with the UN structures.The Foreign Minister of the USSR Andrei Gromyko warned against this. Subsequently, the role of the small and medium-sized countries in the two ideological camps increased. The overall picture of interstate relations became more complicated. It is therefore no coincidence that the CSCE is treatedcontroversially in historiography. Considering that transformations are associated with continuous forms, positions, and mechanisms that have been tested over time, the author makes hypotheses and recommendations at the end of the article.


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