Poland's Western Frontier and the 1970 Treaties

1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skubiszewski
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Western Frontier ◽  
Do So

The present article examines the provisions on the western frontier of Poland in the treaties concluded by the Federal Republic of Germany in 1970 with the Soviet Union and Poland. The emphasis will be on the Polish-German Treaty, which is essentially concerned with the settlement of the frontier issue between the two parties. The article deals with the position of the German party and its competence to enter into treaty obligations that bear on the frontiers of Germany, as well as with the competence of the Great Powers to do so. Further, the article elucidates the meaning and effects of the resolution which the German Bundestag adopted when it voted the laws which approved the treaties and enabled the President of the Federal Republic to ratify them. Against this background of the competences of the interested states, the article briefly analyzes the contents of the clauses that bear on the Oder-Neisse frontier.

The New United Nations and the Revision of the Charter

1954 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans J. Morgenthau
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Korean War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Do So

The conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union has prevented the United Nations from becoming the international government of the great powers which the Charter intended it to be. That conflict has paralyzed the Security Council as an agency of international government. In the few instances when it has been able to act as an agency of international government, it has been able to do so either, as in the beginning of the Korean War, by the accidental and temporary absence of the Soviet Union or, as on the Indonesian issue, by a fortuitous and exceptional coincidence of interests.

scholarly journals The Origins of European Security: the Factor of Neutrality in the early 1970s

2021 ◽  
Vol 103 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Alexey Sindeev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
European Security ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Over Time

The article continues to explore a topic of «Sources of European Security».The author analyzes the role of personalities, processes and factors that have influenced the modern European security system, sustainable and variable elements of the transformation of the European segment of international relations. On the basis of documents from the Swiss Federal Archives, this article highlightsthe position of Switzerland and, in some cases, Austria before the start of the substantive discussions of the agreed agenda at the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). The 1970 Moscow Treaty between the USSR and the Federal Republic of Germany and the start of the CSCE process led to the Soviet Union abandoning its longstanding attempts to establish cooperation between the great powers in parallel with the UN structures.The Foreign Minister of the USSR Andrei Gromyko warned against this. Subsequently, the role of the small and medium-sized countries in the two ideological camps increased. The overall picture of interstate relations became more complicated. It is therefore no coincidence that the CSCE is treatedcontroversially in historiography. Considering that transformations are associated with continuous forms, positions, and mechanisms that have been tested over time, the author makes hypotheses and recommendations at the end of the article.

The Cabal in Kabul: Great-Power Interaction in Afghanistan

1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 468-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaheen F. Dil
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Bilateral Action ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Do So

The July 17, 1973 coup serves as a case study of the nature and extent of great-power interest and involvement in Afghanistan. The dynamics of American, Soviet, and Chinese interaction are multifaceted and volatile, and imply that no one great power had outright control. Thus, this treatment concerns influence rather than control, and multilateral interaction rather than unilateral or bilateral action. The differing interests of the great powers in Afghanistan are outlined. Next, the possibility of great-power involvement in the coup is examined. Finally, the impact of the coup upon Afghanistan's relations with the three great powers is considered. Available material suggests that neither the United States nor the People's Republic of China had sufficient interest or influence to instigate the coup. Nor is there any concrete evidence that the Soviet Union played a significant role, although it did have the opportunity, influence, and interests to do so.

Research Station at Cambridge and somewhat later at the Wantage Research Laboratories of the Atomic Energy Research Establishment. By the mid- or late 1950s national research programs on food irradiation were also underway in Belgium, Canada, France, The Netherlands, Poland, the Soviet Union, and the Federal Republic of Germany. This early history of food irradiation has been reviewed by Goldblith (9), Goresline (10), and Josephson (11). In 1960 the first books on food irradiation appeared, written by Desrosiers and Rosenstock in the United States (12) and Kuprianoff and Lang in Germany (13). A first international meeting devoted to discussion of wholesomeness and legisla­ tive aspects of food irradiation was held in Brussels in 1961 (14). In the United Kingdom the report of a government working party on irradiation of food (15) summarized and evaluated the studies done until 1964. The first commercial use of food irradiation occurred in 1957 in the Federal Republic of Germany, when a spice manufacturer in Stuttgart began to improve the hygienic quality of his products by irradiating them with electrons using a Van de Graaff generator (16). The machine had to be dismantled in 1959 when a new food law prohibited the treatment of foods with ionizing radiation, and the company turned to fumigation with ethylene oxide instead. In Canada irradiation of potatoes for inhibition of sprouting was allowed in 1960 and a private company, Newfield Products Ltd., began irradiating potatoes at Mont St. Hilaire, near Montreal, in September 1965. The plant used a 60Co source and was designed to process some 15,000 t of potatoes a month. It closed after only one season, when the company ran into financial difficulties (17). In spite of these setbacks, interest in food irradiation grew worldwide. At the first International Symposium of Food Irradiation, held in Karlsruhe, Germany, and organized by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), representa­ tives from 28 countries reviewed the progress made in research laboratories (18). However, health authorities in these countries still hesitated to grant permissions for marketing irradiated foods. At that time only three countries— Canada, the United States, and the Soviet Union— had given clearance for human consump­ tion of a total of five irradiated foods, all treated with low radiation doses. The food industry had not yet made use of the permissions. Irradiated foods were still not marketed anywhere. Questions about the safety for human consumption of irradiated foods were still hotly debated and this was recognized as the major obstacle to commercial utilization of the new process. As a result of this recognition the International Project in the Field of Food Irradiation (IFIP) was created in 1970, with the specific aim of sponsoring a worldwide research program on the wholesomeness of irradiated foods. Under the sponsorship of the IAEA in Vienna, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in Rome, and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in Paris, 19 countries joined their re­ sources, with this number later growing to 24 (see Table 1). The World Health

1995 ◽  
pp. 22-22
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
The United States ◽  
Atomic Energy ◽  
Food Irradiation ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Health Authorities ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Irradiated Foods

Legal Problems of the German Eastern Treaties

1980 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Arndt
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
International Treaties ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The One

During the current political era, which has been marked by the attempts of the two superpowers to abate the economic and political burdens of their intercontinental and other “military build-up” through mutual dialogue (e.g., SALT, MBFR) and to achieve a certain détente in their relationship, a government came to power in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) after the 1969 parliamentary elections, whose declared goal was to make its own German contribution to help bring about a relaxation in international tensions, secure the peace in Central Europe, and make life there more tolerable for its inhabitants. The effort was all the more important because Germany was and is the only place on earth where the United States and the Soviet Union face each other directly. Initially, this political goal, securing the peace by relaxing tensions, was effected by the establishment of an extensive system of international treaties, usually between the Federal Republic of Germany on the one side, and the states of Eastern Europe with Communist governments on the other. Only to the extent that Berlin and the rights of the Allied powers of World War II were affected, were the three Western occupying powers (the United States, the United Kingdom, and France) included in the system of treaties, partly by exchanges of notes and partly directly (e.g., the Berlin Quadripartite Agreement).

State Violence, Justice, And The Suffering Of Others

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Sandrine Sanos
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
State Violence ◽  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
French Writer ◽  
Painful Experience ◽  
Tzvetan Todorov ◽  
Nazi Camps ◽  
Do So

In 1955, Alain Resnais's now canonical documentary, Nuit et Brouillard (Night and Fog) ended with an ominous question, asking “who, among us, is keeping watch from this strange watchtower [of the ruins of Auschwitz] to warn of the arrival of our new executioners” who might bring about the return of the “concentrationary plague?” One man had already made it his mission to do so: the French writer and former political deportee David Rousset. Rousset had shaken the French world of letters and politics with the 1946 publication of L'univers concentrationnaire (The Concentrationary Universe), which warned of the civilizational and moral cesura that the Nazi camps had been. The term quickly became a widely used conceptual framework. Former deportee and Catholic writer Jean Cayrol borrowed from it to write his voice-over to Night and Fog. In 1949, Rousset published another text that created a scandal in Cold War France: an Appeal to “fellow deportees” calling upon them to “investigate the USSR's concentrationary universe” (Kuby, 46). This indictment fiercely divided the French left. In 1950, he brought a libel suit against another former deportee, communist writer Pierre Daix, who had accused him of amnesiac “apoliticism” (Kuby, 65–6; Dean, 61). Just before, in the wake of his Appeal, Rousset had founded an organization against concentrationary regimes with those, like him, who had been political deportees. In 1951, it put the Soviet Union on trial for crimes against humanity. Rousset and his organization were involved in many trials, eager to denounce the “new executioners” who had revived the “scourge of the camps” in the postwar world. For many today, he is an “exceptional” man because, as philosopher and critic Tzvetan Todorov argues, he was not paralyzed by the memory of “this painful experience”; instead, he harnessed it into action against dehumanizing state violence. For Todorov, Rousset had allowed morality to prevail over base political considerations.

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