Gandhi’s Satyagraha and its Legacy in the Americas and Africa

Social Change ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Beatriz Bissio

The article addresses the impact of Mahatma Gandhi’s ideas in the US, Latin America and Africa, especially on important political figures. The influence of Gandhi’s ideas in Latin America started very early in the twentieth century. By 1930 and perhaps even earlier, important Latin American intellectuals began to refer to Gandhi, one of whom was José Carlos Mariátegui. Gandhi’s non-violent struggle also had a great impact in America, particularly in the 1950s and the 1960s, the years of peak resistance against the Jim Crow laws––a collection of state and local statutes that legalised racial segregation which had existed for about 100 years from the post-Civil War era until 1965. In the twenty-first century, the Satyagraha philosophy motivated those who were involved in the struggle for human rights, the defenders of indigenous peoples and those fighting against globalisation. We can include among them the Argentinian Nobel Peace Prize awardee Adolfo Pérez Esquivel whose work in the defence of human rights and non-violent resistance forcefully showed the influence of Gandhi and his powerful legacy.

Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent

This chapter examines the reasons for the instability in Latin America during the Cold War. The oil crisis of 1973–1974, followed by trade deficits, depression, and high inflation, helped promote revolutionary ideas among the landless peasants and urban poor of many Latin American countries. Under Jimmy Carter, with his interest in promoting human rights, a more active and enlightened US policy towards Latin America might have been expected. However, his aims were inconsistent, as the moral cause of human rights clashed with local realities and other American interests. The chapter first considers the Reagan Doctrine and Ronald Reagan’s meddling in El Salvador before discussing the United States’s involvement in Nicaragua and the ‘Contragate’ scandal. It concludes with an assessment of the US invasions of Grenada and Panama.


Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent

This chapter examines the reasons for the instability in Latin America during the Cold War. The oil crisis of 1973–4, followed by trade deficits, depression, and high inflation, helped promote revolutionary ideas among the landless peasants and urban poor of many Latin American countries. Under Jimmy Carter, with his interest in promoting human rights, a more active and enlightened US policy towards Latin America might have been expected. However, his aims were inconsistent, as the moral cause of human rights clashed with local realities and other American interests. The chapter first considers the Reagan Doctrine and Ronald Reagan’s meddling in El Salvador before discussing the involvement of the US in Nicaragua and the ‘Contragate’ scandal. It concludes with an assessment of the US invasions of Grenada and Panama.


1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-83
Author(s):  
Shirley Christian

There has always been a certain attitude in Washington having to do with Latin America. It is that Latin America is not quite a grown-up place and, therefore, is worthy of intense US interest only when the region, or part of it, falls into a crisis that crosses paths with one of the US hot-button issues of the moment: drugs, immigration, human rights, communism (until recently) and, farther back, fascism. In other words, Latin America has been worthy of attention only when the United States decided to “do good” (e.g., human rights crusades), incorporate the region into efforts at solving US domestic problems (e.g., drugs), or needed firm support from the region in some international effort (e.g., the Cold War and World War II).


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madelyn Evans

Since the earliest days of colonization, religion – in particular, the Roman Catholic Church – has been a driving force in the Latin American politics, economics, and society. As the region underwent frequent political instability and high levels of violence, the Church remained a steady, powerful force in society. This paper will explore the relationship between the Catholic Church and the struggle to defend human rights during the particularly oppressive era of bureaucratic-authoritarianism in Latin America throughout the 1960s–1980s. This paper seeks to demonstrate that the Church undertook the struggle to protect human rights because its modernized social mission sought to support the oppressed suffering from the political, economic, and social status quo. In challenging the legitimacy of the ruling national security ideology and illuminating the moral dimensions of violence, the Catholic Church became a crucial constructive agent in spurring social change, mitigating the effects of violence, and setting a democratic framework for the future.


Author(s):  
Alexandra Huneeus

This chapter seeks to explain why the impact of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights varies greatly across the different Latin American countries under its jurisdiction. Three case studies suggest that the uneven spread of constitutional ideas and practices across Latin America helps shape the type of authority the IACtHR exerts. In Colombia, where neoconstitutionalist lawyers were able to successfully ally themselves with reformers and participate in the construction of a new constitution and court starting in 1991, the Court now enjoys narrow, intermediate, and extensive authority. In Chile, where constitutional reform was muted, and neoconstitutionalist doctrines have not found strong adherents in the judiciary, the IACtHR has achieved narrow authority and, at times, intermediate authority. In Venezuela, neoconstitutionalism was sidelined as the new Bolivarian constitutional order was forged. Meanwhile, the Mexican case study suggests that the neoconstitutionalist movement can also work transnationally.


Author(s):  
Kirk Hawkins

Donald Trump’s victory in the US 2016 presidential election awakened many US scholars to the existence of populism. However, the study of populism is old news for political scientists in Latin America and other regions. Since at least the 1960s, scholars in these regions have dealt with key conceptual, methodological, and theoretical issues in the study of populism, covering instances of populism that have appeared since the inception of liberal, representative democracy in the late 18th century. This wealth of scholarship is an aid to mainstream scholars in the United States and other wealthy democracies as they grapple with the impact of populist forces, providing them with tools for measuring populism and for studying its causes and consequences. However, there are also lessons for scholars in regions that have studied populism much longer. This is especially true for Latin America. Senior Latin Americanists who engage with populism have a tendency to rely on older approaches and methods that have not withstood empirical tests in other regions. Some researchers are unaware that comparative, cross-regional scholarship has arrived at a rough consensus about the nature of populist ideas, and that the cross-regional study of populist discourse has moved beyond the anti-positivist bent of some early work. Thus, this bibliography walks a fine line between highlighting the foundational work of earlier scholars, particularly those studying Latin America, while introducing current Latin Americanists to the work being done outside the region. A concluding section highlights the unique scholarly contributions to the study of populism in the United States, contributions that provide an important touchstone to Latin Americanists, not to mention mainstream scholars in the United States.


2012 ◽  
Vol 209 ◽  
pp. 59-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhys Jenkins ◽  
Alexandre de Freitas Barbosa

AbstractThere has been considerable concern in Latin America over the implications of increased competition from China for local industry. These concerns include the possibility of “deindustrialization,” the increased “primarization” of the region's exports and the difficulties of upgrading manufactured exports into higher technology products. This article examines the impact of Chinese competition both in the domestic market and in export markets on Brazilian industry. It documents the increased penetration of Chinese manufactures in the Brazilian market and the way in which Brazilian exports have lost market share to China in the US, European Union and four Latin American countries. Brazil, because of its more developed and locally integrated industrial sector, is not typical of other Latin American countries and the article also discusses the relevance of the Brazilian experience for the region as a whole.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Antonio Gaztambide-Géigel

ResumenLa historiografía sobre la Política del Buen Vecino nos ha permitido distinguir dos períodos en las relaciones estadounidenses con América Latina entre 1933 y 1945. Se ha discutido poco, sin embargo, acerca del efecto de ese cambio sobre las políticas y en las relaciones. Tampoco se ha dicho mucho sobre las diferencias entre el contenido e impacto del Buen Vecino en el Caribe y en el resto del hemisferio. Aquí se abordan ambas dimensiones de las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y el Caribe vinculándolas a los desarrollos políticos internos en diversas sociedades de la región. Entre otras cosas, se manifiesta una tendencia a interpretar los cambios en el Caribe utilizando conceptos y teorías de los países centrales (como fascismo, comunismo, etcétera) y del contexto latinoamericano (como nacionalismo, populismo, Buen Vecino, antimperialismo, etcétera). Este trabajo intenta revisar la aplicación de las teorías y conceptos, adoptar una perspectiva más comparativa y abordar cada experiencia en sus propios términos.Palabras chaves: Caribe, EUA, Relaciones Interamericanas, populismo, Política de buena vencidad.Boa Vizinhança e Populismo: o Caribe nas relações interamericanas de 1933 a 1946.ResumoA historiografia da Política de Boa Vizinhança permitiu-nos distinguir dois períodos nas relações dos EUA com a América Latina entre 1933 e 1945. Tem sido discutido pouco, no entanto, o efeito dessa mudança sobre a política e as relações. Também não disse muito sobre as diferenças entre o conteúdo e o impacto da Boa Vizinhança no Caribe e em outras partes do hemisfério. Aqui ambas as dimensões das relações entre os EUA e o Caribe serão abordadas, relacionando-as aos desenvolvimentos políticos internos em várias sociedades da região. Entre outras coisas, há uma tendência para interpretar mudanças no Caribe, utilizando conceitos e teorias dos países centrais (como o fascismo, comunismo, etc.) e o contexto da América Latina (como o nacionalismo, o populismo, bom vizinho, anti-imperialismo, etc.). Este trabalho pretende revisar a aplicação de teorias e conceitos, adotando uma perspectiva comparativa, e abordar cada experiência em seus próprios termos.Palavras chaves: Caribe, EUA, relações interamericanas, populismo, Política da Boa Vizinhança.Good Neighbor Policy and Populism: Caribbean on Inter-American Relations between 1933 and 1946.AbstractThe historiography of the Good Neighbor Policy has enabled us to distinguish two periods in the US foreign relations with Latin America between 1933 and 1945. However, the effect of this change on the policy and relations has been under discussed. In addition, there is no much saying about the differences between the content and the impact of the Good Neighbor in the Caribbean and elsewhere in the hemisphere. In this article, both dimensions of relations between the US and the Caribbean are addressed, relating to the internal developments policies in various societies in the region. Among other things, there is a tendency to interpret changes in the Caribbean, using concepts and theories of the central countries (such as fascism, communism, etc.) and also the Latin American context (such as nationalism, populism, good neighbor, anti-imperialism, etc.). This paper aims to review the application of theories and concepts, adopting a comparative perspective, and approach each experience on their own terms.Keywords:  Caribbean, USA, Inter-American Relations, Populism, Good Neighbor policy


Author(s):  
James C Franklin

Abstract This research examines the impact of human rights protests on human rights abuses in seven Latin American countries—Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. I find that protests focused broadly on human rights are associated with significant declines in human rights abuses, controlling for important factors from previous studies. Furthermore, I argue that it is important to distinguish political repression (abuses that target political activists) from coercive state oppression, which has nonpolitical targets. These two types of abuses respond to different factors, but broadly focused human rights protests are found to decrease both types of abuses. I argue further that a strong human rights movement, indicated by frequent human rights protests, discourages the police abuses associated with oppression by raising the likelihood of accountability for such abuses, including by improving the likelihood of reforms to the criminal justice system.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 597-625
Author(s):  
Martha I. Chew Sánchez

Abstract This article addresses the impact of settler colonialism by the Spanish and United States in the American continent in forming the base, development, and power of capitalism in the West. It provides a general overview of the United States’ unequal economic relationships with Latin American countries since the end of the nineteenth century to the present. It highlights the role evangelist groups have in changing the way coup d’états have been taking place in the region, in particular, to countries that had democratically elected presidents who were part of the “Pink Tide” and had a program to counterbalance neoliberal policies that were contributing to unprecedented economic inequality in their societies. One of the central questions in this work is the role of coloniality within Latin American countries and between the US and Latin America in the coup d’état against Evo Morales in Bolivia on November 10, 2019.


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