scholarly journals Fear for Manufacturing? China and the Future of Industry in Brazil and Latin America

2012 ◽  
Vol 209 ◽  
pp. 59-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhys Jenkins ◽  
Alexandre de Freitas Barbosa
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Industrial Sector ◽  
Export Markets ◽  
Technology Products ◽  
The Us ◽  
Manufactured Exports ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Considerable Concern

AbstractThere has been considerable concern in Latin America over the implications of increased competition from China for local industry. These concerns include the possibility of “deindustrialization,” the increased “primarization” of the region's exports and the difficulties of upgrading manufactured exports into higher technology products. This article examines the impact of Chinese competition both in the domestic market and in export markets on Brazilian industry. It documents the increased penetration of Chinese manufactures in the Brazilian market and the way in which Brazilian exports have lost market share to China in the US, European Union and four Latin American countries. Brazil, because of its more developed and locally integrated industrial sector, is not typical of other Latin American countries and the article also discusses the relevance of the Brazilian experience for the region as a whole.

From the “Pink Tide” to “Soft Coup d’État” in Latin America: the Case of Bolivia

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 597-625
Author(s):  
Martha I. Chew Sánchez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Economic Relationships ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries

Abstract This article addresses the impact of settler colonialism by the Spanish and United States in the American continent in forming the base, development, and power of capitalism in the West. It provides a general overview of the United States’ unequal economic relationships with Latin American countries since the end of the nineteenth century to the present. It highlights the role evangelist groups have in changing the way coup d’états have been taking place in the region, in particular, to countries that had democratically elected presidents who were part of the “Pink Tide” and had a program to counterbalance neoliberal policies that were contributing to unprecedented economic inequality in their societies. One of the central questions in this work is the role of coloniality within Latin American countries and between the US and Latin America in the coup d’état against Evo Morales in Bolivia on November 10, 2019.

scholarly journals COVID-19 in Latin America: a first glance to the mortality

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nubia Muñoz
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Mortality Rates ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Death Rates ◽  
Death Toll ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Health Authorities ◽  
The Us ◽  
Latin American Countries

It is too early to know which will be the final death toll from the Covid-19 or SARS-CoV-2 virus epidemy in Latin America since the epidemy is still active and we will not know when it will end. The curve for new infections and deaths has not reached yet a peak (Figure 1). In addition, we know little about the epidemiology of this new virus. The daily litany of the number of people infected with the number of admissions to hospitals and intensive care units and the number of deaths guides health authorities to plan health services and politicians to gauge the degree of confinement necessary to control the transmission of the virus, but it says little about the magnitude of the problem if we do not relate it to the population at risk. At the end of the pandemic, we will be able to estimate age-standardized death rates for the different countries, but until then the crude death rates will provide a first glance or snapshot of the death toll and impact of the pandemic from March to May 2020. These rates are well below those estimated in other countries in Europe and North America: Belgium (82.6), Spain (58.0), the United Kingdom (57.5), Italy (55.0), France (42.9), Sweden (41.4), and the US (30.7). (Johns Hopkins CSSE, May 30, 2020). However, in the European countries and the US the number of deaths has reached a peak, while this is not the case in Latin American countries. (Figure 1). It should be taken into account that the above rates are crude and therefore, some of the differences could be due to the fact that European countries have a larger proportion of the population over 70 years of age in whom higher mortality rates have been reported.

scholarly journals Monetary integration issues in Latin America: A multivariate assessment

2008 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-308
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Allegret ◽  
Alain Sand-Zantman
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Exchange Rate ◽  
Business Cycles ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Monetary Union ◽  
Monetary Integration ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Common Shocks ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries

This paper assesses the monetary consequences of the Latin-American integration process. Over the period 1991-2007, we analyze a sample of five Latin-American countries focusing on the feasibility of a monetary union between L.A. economies. To this end, we study the issue of business cycle synchronization with the occurrence of common shocks. First, we assess the international disturbances influence on the domestic business cycles. Second, we analyze the impact of the adoption of different exchange rate regimes on the countries' responses to shocks. .

scholarly journals Soziale Bewegungen in Lateinamerika

2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (142) ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
"Mónica Bruckmann ◽  
Theotonio Dos Santos
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Soziale Bewegungen ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military ◽  
Latin American Countries

At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, after 30 years of repression and neoliberal hegemony, the social movements are gaining strength again in many Latin American countries. With the anti-globalization movement, new insurrections like the Zapatismo in Mexico, and some leftwing governments coming into power in Venezuela, Brasil and other countries, there appears to be a new turn in Latin America's road to the future.

The Inter-American Court of Human Rights

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Huneeus
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries

This chapter seeks to explain why the impact of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights varies greatly across the different Latin American countries under its jurisdiction. Three case studies suggest that the uneven spread of constitutional ideas and practices across Latin America helps shape the type of authority the IACtHR exerts. In Colombia, where neoconstitutionalist lawyers were able to successfully ally themselves with reformers and participate in the construction of a new constitution and court starting in 1991, the Court now enjoys narrow, intermediate, and extensive authority. In Chile, where constitutional reform was muted, and neoconstitutionalist doctrines have not found strong adherents in the judiciary, the IACtHR has achieved narrow authority and, at times, intermediate authority. In Venezuela, neoconstitutionalism was sidelined as the new Bolivarian constitutional order was forged. Meanwhile, the Mexican case study suggests that the neoconstitutionalist movement can also work transnationally.

Gandhi’s Satyagraha and its Legacy in the Americas and Africa

Social Change ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Beatriz Bissio
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Us ◽  
State And Local ◽  
Civil War Era ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

The article addresses the impact of Mahatma Gandhi’s ideas in the US, Latin America and Africa, especially on important political figures. The influence of Gandhi’s ideas in Latin America started very early in the twentieth century. By 1930 and perhaps even earlier, important Latin American intellectuals began to refer to Gandhi, one of whom was José Carlos Mariátegui. Gandhi’s non-violent struggle also had a great impact in America, particularly in the 1950s and the 1960s, the years of peak resistance against the Jim Crow laws––a collection of state and local statutes that legalised racial segregation which had existed for about 100 years from the post-Civil War era until 1965. In the twenty-first century, the Satyagraha philosophy motivated those who were involved in the struggle for human rights, the defenders of indigenous peoples and those fighting against globalisation. We can include among them the Argentinian Nobel Peace Prize awardee Adolfo Pérez Esquivel whose work in the defence of human rights and non-violent resistance forcefully showed the influence of Gandhi and his powerful legacy.

scholarly journals US IN LATIN AMERICA: KEY CURRENT INTERESTS AND METHODS OF THEIR ADVANCEMENT

2017 ◽  
pp. 52-66
Author(s):  
T. Kulinich
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Drug Trafficking ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
War On Drugs ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Us Economy ◽  
The Us ◽  
Latin American Countries

The present article reviews the current set of interests of the United States of America in respect of Latin American countries. The author believes that the key groups of interests pursued by the US in Latin America are as follows: political and security interests, economic interests, and combined interests, the most important of the latter being the interests relating to combating drug trafficking. The author believes that the economic interest, albeit being a secondary one in terms of formal hierarchy of interests, is in fact one of the core US interests in the region at present. The US is interested to preserve its influence upon the Latin American market, and further engage the Latin American workforce and industrial capacities to the benefit of the US economy. The US pursues its interests in Latin America, inter alia, through various integration projects, including NAFTA, CAFTA-DR, FTAA, and a range of free trade areas. The article also addresses the interest of the US in the field of prevention of drug trafficking, which constitutes an important area of cooperation between the US and the Latin American countries concerned. The author argues that, despite the fact that the current outcomes of the ongoing war on drugs may be perceived as controversial, the issue in question serves as a strong factor contributing to the growth of the US influence over, and its presence within, the region. The article also reviews key methods used by the US to further its interests in Latin America, including the classical methods and those relating to soft power.

scholarly journals International terrorism and Latin America

2002 ◽  
Vol 54 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 73-98
Author(s):  
Rozita Levi ◽  
Slobodan Pajovic
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Historical Overview ◽  
American Continent ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Us Government ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Latin American Countries

The authors give a historical overview of the origin and development of terrorism in Latin America describing the forms in which it appears in this region of the world (political, military, state and narco terrorism). They also explore to what degree the attacks on the USA launched on 11 September 2001 will affect the governments of Latin American countries to harmonize their positions with those of the US government in taking joint actions in their combat to eliminate terrorist activities on the American continent.

Overstretching or Overreaction? China’s Rise in Latin America and the US Response

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810262110282
Author(s):  
Xiaoyu Pu ◽  
Margaret Myers
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
China’S Rise ◽  
The Us ◽  
China's Rise ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Latin American And Caribbean

This article examines how the Chinese elites are interpreting China’s growing presence in the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region and the various ways in which the United States is responding to China’s expanding activity in the region. Some of China’s elites caution that China’s international posturing could be overly assertive. Regarding China’s growing role in the LAC, they have made a note of US sensitivities, in addition to China’s challenges and limitations in various Latin American countries. Regarding the US response, some US concerns may be legitimate, and others are less valid. Looking ahead, even though US–China interactions in the LAC will remain competitive, the US and China could potentially avoid counterproductive policies while also pursuing pragmatic co-operation. While China does not yet face a serious problem of strategic overstretching in the LAC, China’s domestic debate on the topic will provide feedback to China’s policymakers and promote fruitful China–LAC relations.

Women’s Political Inclusion in Latin America: The Challenges of Gauging Visibility

2020 ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Magda Hinojosa ◽  
Miki Caul Kittilson
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
National Survey ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Political Office ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Cross National

Chapter 3 focuses on a select set of Latin American countries (Honduras, Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Panama) where women’s legislative representation doubled from one election to the next and rose above 20 percent. Detecting the effects of quotas and descriptive representation is complicated. Available survey evidence is inadequate to discern clear patterns on how sizable jumps in the numbers of women in political office influence political engagement and support. Cross-national survey timing makes it even more difficult to gauge the impact of these changes. Further, these gains may not have always been publicly visible, and a variety of salient campaign issues and events contend for the public’s attention and may overshadow the influence of women’s election to office. Assessing changes to political engagement and political support requires precise methods. In this way, this chapter sets up the analysis using our unique survey from Uruguay.

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