The Guardian Angels: Law and Order and Citizen Policing in New York City

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 886-914 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reiko Hillyer
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
Fear Of Crime ◽  
Crime Control ◽  
Economic Restructuring ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
White Middle Class ◽  
The Guardian ◽  
Black And Latino

This article explores the rise of the Guardian Angels, a community patrol organization founded in 1979 in New York City by Curtis Sliwa and composed mainly of black and Latino youths. The group emerged in an era of economic restructuring coupled with a rising fear of crime. The Guardian Angels merit attention because of their peculiar relationship to the rise of law and order politics. They demonstrate that the fear of crime was neither the monopoly of the white middle class nor merely a construction of politicians. Black and Latino Guardian Angels were agents of community crime control who drew on existing customs of self-determination and distrust of the police. Ultimately, however, the activities and the rhetoric of the Guardian Angels contributed to the rise of a conservative discourse that justified the strengthening of the police state, anxiety about crime, and the gentrification of neighborhoods.

Nearly Got Shot Dead, and He Didn’t Get His Little Check Yet: Workers, Crime, and Law and Order in New York City, 1962-1970

2021 ◽  
pp. 009614422199964
Author(s):  
Glenn Dyer
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
York City ◽  
Important Research ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
Management Conflicts ◽  
High Crime ◽  
New Yorkers

Historians have conducted important research on the rise of law-and-order politics in New York City, where anxieties over women’s freedoms, political battles over police oversight, and crime impacts in poor communities contributed to its rise. The numerous walkouts, negotiations, and worker-management conflicts around high-crime areas in New York City suggest that the question of law and order was a salient workplace issue as well for the members of Communication Workers of America Local 1101. In their case, such concerns predate the rhetorical rise of law and order and help us better understand why such politics found fertile ground among working-class New Yorkers, white and black. Repeated incidences, largely in the city’s black ghettoes, prompted workers with a strong class consciousness and commitment to solidarity to transform the problems and experiences of individual workers into a shared question to be addressed via collective action.

scholarly journals “My Sexuality…It Creates a Stress”: HIV-Related Communication Among Bisexual Black and Latino Men, New York City

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirk D. Henny ◽  
Kathryn Drumhiller ◽  
Madeline Y. Sutton ◽  
José Nanín
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
Latino Men ◽  
Black And Latino

The New York City Family Court: A Law Guardian's Overview

1972 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-98
Author(s):  
Martin T. Silver
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Social Workers ◽  
York City ◽  
Probation Officers ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
Family Court ◽  
Law And Order

The New York City Family Court undertakes supervision of thousands of ghetto youngsters who have not adhered to the dehumanizing regimen imposed on them by public welfare agen cies and whose behavior, except when judged by highly arbitrary standards, is not antisocial. Its policy is to take jurisdiction of nearly any youngster brought before it, on the assumption that the ravages of poverty and injustice can be eradicated by psy chologists and social workers. What happens instead is that youngsters are forced into meaningless relationships with lawyers, probation officers, and judges. Too often, furthermore, the court's services are at the disposal of "law-and-order" men who use psychiatric tests to spot and "preventively detain" youngsters who have not committed antisocial acts.

Suffrage and the City

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren C. Santangelo
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Progressive Era ◽  
York City ◽  
Gilded Age ◽  
Urban Experience ◽  
White Middle Class ◽  
Politics And Culture ◽  
The City ◽  
Physical Layout

Suffrage and the City: New York Women Battle for the Ballot uncovers the ways in which the demand for women’s rights intersected with the history, politics, and culture of New York City in the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. The city—its mores, rhythms, and physical layout—helped to shape what was possible for suffragists campaigning within it. At the same time, these activists helped to redefine the urban experience, especially for white, middle-class women. The fight for the vote in the nation’s largest metropolis demanded that suffragists both mobilize and contest urban etiquette, as they worked to gain visibility and underscore their cause’s respectability. Suffrage and the City demonstrates that the Big Apple was more than just a stage for suffrage action; it was part of the drama.

Billy Graham's America

2009 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 489-511 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grant Wacker
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
New York City ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
York City ◽  
White Middle Class ◽  
Family Vacation ◽  
Madison Square Garden ◽  
Twentieth Century America ◽  
Conservative Protestants

Billy and I hit New York City at the same time, the summer of 1957. He was 38 and about to clinch his reputation as the premier evangelist in twentieth-century America. I was twelve and about to taste freedom. But not quite yet. Without my permission, my parents packed themselves and me into a steamy subway to go down to Madison Square Garden to hear the Great Man preach. I remember that he was witty and charismatic and at the end of the sermon thousands surged forward to give or recommit their lives to Christ. Beyond that, nothing stuck. Soon our first family vacation to the Big Apple was finished, and we headed back to the quiet of a small town in southwest Missouri. As a kid, I never could figure out what the big whoop over Graham was all about. I soon realized, however, that Graham's core constituents—the millions of preponderantly white, middle-class, moderately conservative Protestants we might call “Heartland Americans”—did not share my puzzlement. They knew exactly what the big whoop was all about.

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