Nearly Got Shot Dead, and He Didn’t Get His Little Check Yet: Workers, Crime, and Law and Order in New York City, 1962-1970

2021 ◽  
pp. 009614422199964
Author(s):  
Glenn Dyer

Historians have conducted important research on the rise of law-and-order politics in New York City, where anxieties over women’s freedoms, political battles over police oversight, and crime impacts in poor communities contributed to its rise. The numerous walkouts, negotiations, and worker-management conflicts around high-crime areas in New York City suggest that the question of law and order was a salient workplace issue as well for the members of Communication Workers of America Local 1101. In their case, such concerns predate the rhetorical rise of law and order and help us better understand why such politics found fertile ground among working-class New Yorkers, white and black. Repeated incidences, largely in the city’s black ghettoes, prompted workers with a strong class consciousness and commitment to solidarity to transform the problems and experiences of individual workers into a shared question to be addressed via collective action.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Haldipur

In the early 2000s, the New York City Police Department implemented policies that called for the aggressive use of “Stop, Question, and Frisk,” in neighborhoods deemed “high crime.” Drawing from approximately 3 years of intensive ethnographic fieldwork in and around three precincts in the southwest Bronx, the current research reveals how parenting youth who live in such neighborhoods is impacted by police activity.


1972 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-98
Author(s):  
Martin T. Silver

The New York City Family Court undertakes supervision of thousands of ghetto youngsters who have not adhered to the dehumanizing regimen imposed on them by public welfare agen cies and whose behavior, except when judged by highly arbitrary standards, is not antisocial. Its policy is to take jurisdiction of nearly any youngster brought before it, on the assumption that the ravages of poverty and injustice can be eradicated by psy chologists and social workers. What happens instead is that youngsters are forced into meaningless relationships with lawyers, probation officers, and judges. Too often, furthermore, the court's services are at the disposal of "law-and-order" men who use psychiatric tests to spot and "preventively detain" youngsters who have not committed antisocial acts.


2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 915-931 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Eisenberg

In the 1980s, visible homelessness became one of the most pressing problems in New York City. While most New Yorkers expressed sympathy for the homeless, many of them also resisted efforts to site shelters and service facilities in their neighborhoods. But far from being simply a case of NIMBY (not-in-my-back-yard) sentiment, protests over the placement of these facilities arose in the context of decades-long neighborhood movements against urban disinvestment and the beginning of gentrification in some New York City neighborhoods. I argue that understanding this history is crucial to parsing the complex politics of anti-homeless facility protests in the 1980s and to understanding the rise of “quality of life” policies that would govern many neoliberal urban spaces by the 1990s.


1968 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Hildebrand

Few studies deal with specific types of delinquent behavior. This investigation examines the runaway problem in two New York City precincts, one a low-income and high-crime area, the other a middle-income section. Attitude toward education emer ges as a pivotal factor. Parents in the high-crime area were apathetic toward education; some did not even know the name and location of the school the runaway supposedly attended. School problems also influenced the runaway from the middle- income section.


1987 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 557-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Klosko ◽  
Edward N. Muller ◽  
Karl Dieter Opp

Why does it happen that ordinary people can come to participate in rebellious collective action? In the June 1986 issue of this Review, Edward N. Muller and Karl-Dieter Opp argued a public-goods model to account for why rational citizens may become rebels. They offered empirical data drawn from samples in New York City and Hamburg, Germany in support of the public-goods model. George Kolsko takes issue with the rationale of Muller and Opp, arguing that their public-goods model is not a rational-choice explanation of rebellious collective action. In response, Muller and Opp clarify their theory and further elaborate its assumptions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (4) ◽  
pp. 386-406
Author(s):  
Alexandre Frenette

The sociological literature on creativity would suggest that collaboration between newcomers and more experienced members of an art world results in the fruitful combination of novelty and usefulness, though not without some conflict. Drawing on fieldwork and interviews with workers from the popular recording industry (rock/pop) in New York City, this article extends the literature on creativity as collective action by showing how three types of intergenerational tensions (aesthetic, technological, and career) are embedded in the ways newcomers and experienced workers see themselves and each other as agents of change and stasis. I propose a new variable—leveraging age—a mechanism intergenerational collaborators use to resolve or override these tensions to ultimately maximize creativity in group contexts. Leveraging age, as a form of knowledge extraction, occurs in creative bureaucratic organizations and describes how newcomers and experienced workers dualistically draw on each other’s respective strengths (novelty and tradition). I primarily examine the bottom-up part of this process—how experienced workers draw on the insights of newcomers—by analyzing five leveraging-youth practices, which vary by level of formality and intentionality, but mostly limit the interactional challenges between the two groups.


Author(s):  
Ann L. Buttenwieser

Why on earth would anyone want to float a pool up the Atlantic coastline to bring it to rest at a pier on the New York City waterfront? This book recounts the author's triumphant adventure that started in the bayous of Louisiana and ended with a self-sustaining, floating swimming pool moored in New York Harbor. When the author decided something needed to be done to help revitalize the New York City waterfront, she reached into the city's nineteenth-century past for inspiration. The author wanted New Yorkers to reestablish their connection to their riverine surroundings and she was energized by the prospect of city youth returning to the Hudson and East rivers. What she didn't suspect was that outfitting and donating a swimming facility for free enjoyment by the public would turn into an almost-Sisyphean task. As the book describes, the author battled for years with politicians and struggled with bureaucrats to bring her “crazy” scheme to fruition. The book retells the improbable process that led to a pool named The Floating Pool Lady tying up to a pier at Barretto Point Park in the Bronx, ready for summer swimmers. Throughout, the book raises consciousness about persistent environmental issues and the challenges of developing a constituency for projects to make cities livable in the twenty-first century. The story functions as both warning and inspiration to those who dare to dream of realizing innovative public projects in the modern urban landscape.


Author(s):  
Joyce D. Goodfriend

This chapter examines how lowly city dwellers confounded their purported benefactors, for example, by violating cardinal points of civility, indulging their appetites at taverns and brothels, or intruding into the exclusive spaces of the well-to-do. Many urban New Yorkers behaved in ways that were contrary to elite expectations and in so doing risked sanctions from those who controlled important resources. Poor people tended to transgress the rules set by gentlemen and engage in immoral behavior. In precarious circumstances, they perpetually did what was necessary to stay afloat, even if it meant flouting the Christian-based moral standards upheld by the elite. This chapter considers how people disdained as nonentities in eighteenth-century New York City, including blacks and prostitutes, contested the dominion of the city's gentlemen and thus diminished the elite's cultural authority.


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