The Opt-Out Movement in New York: A Grassroots Movement to Eliminate High-Stakes Testing and Promote Whole Child Public Schooling

2021 ◽  
Vol 123 (5) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Zhe Chen ◽  
David Hursh ◽  
Bob Lingard

Purpose Over the last five years, approximately 50% of the students in Nassau and Suffolk counties on Long Island and 20% across New York State have opted out of the yearly standardized tests for third through eighth grade. This article focuses on two grassroots organizations, New York State Allies for Public Education (NYSAPE) and Long Island Opt Out (LIOO), the two parents who have been central to the organizations’ success, and the strategies and tactics that the two organizations have adopted to achieve such a high opt-out rate in New York. Context Since the passage of the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB), third through eighth grade public school students have been required to take yearly standardized tests. The most recent version of the exams focused on assessing students, their teachers, and schools based on the Common Core State Standards. Many educators and parents have argued that the standards and assessments negatively affect student learning. In response, educators, parents, teachers, and students have lobbied and publicly testified in an effort to reduce the length of the exams, if not eliminate them. However, the testimonies have had almost no impact on the policymakers. Consequently, some parents concluded that the only way to influence policymakers is to get enough students to opt out of the tests so that the scores were not valid and thus could no longer be used to compare students and teachers within and across schools for accountability purposes. Research Design This study is drawn from a qualitative research project in which we conducted interviews to understand how the opt-out movement developed and the strategies it adopted in relation to high-stakes testing in New York. The interviews with two parent leaders from NYSAPE and LIOO are the main data source for this article. Findings NYSAPE and LIOO can be characterized as real grassroots social movements in that all members have input in the goals and organizing strategies, and unpaid leaders emerge from the membership. Further, because the organizations lack permanent funding, they have to be innovative in using media. By motivating and empowering others and using social media such as Facebook and Twitter, they built a large network and a strong base so that they could influence policymakers and respond quickly at the local and state levels. Conclusion Their organizing strategies exemplified the participatory and grassroots nature of the new social movements as theorized by McAlevey. The opt-out movement is pushing back not only against high-stakes testing but also against the larger neoliberal construction of parents as simply consumers of schooling, rather than as active, informed citizens. The movement also supports whole-child schooling.

2021 ◽  
Vol 123 (5) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Rosa L. Rivera-Mccutchen

Background Part of a special issue on the high-stakes testing opt-out movement, this article focuses its analysis on the movement within New York State, and examines white privilege and power within one specific organization, the NYS Allies for Public Education (NYSAPE). Specifically, I examine how the public-facing work of NYSAPE addressed (or ignored) race and/or racism in their efforts to resist high-stakes testing. I also ask, in what ways do their public stances affirm and reinforce white privilege and power? Purpose I explore the opt-out movement in New York State, and argue that it is a movement that has been largely dominated by white privilege and power. Employing critical race theory as analytical and methodological tools, I briefly examine the development and policy positions of NYSAPE, a coalition of grassroots parent, educator and community organizations. Research Design This qualitative case study focuses on NYSAPE and employs critical race theory as a methodological and analytical framework, with specific emphasis on whiteness as property (power) and interest convergence. Conclusions/Recommendations The paper aims to engage the opt-out movement in considering how its (in)actions are shaped by racism, a deeply entrenched element in our society, and pushes the movement to take a more liberatory stance for all children. Leaders within the opt-out movement, particularly in predominantly white and middle- to upper-class communities, have to examine their complicity in perpetuating racial inequities.


Author(s):  
David Hursh ◽  
Sarah McGinnis ◽  
Zhe Chen ◽  
Bob Lingard

Over the last two decades, parents and community members in New York have increasingly resisted the neoliberal corporate reform agenda in schooling, including rejecting high-stakes testing. The parent-led opt-out movement in New York State has successfully opted around 20% of eligible students out of the Common Core state standardized tests over the last three years. To understand how a parent-led grassroots movement has achieved such political success, this chapter focuses on the two most influential opt-out organizations in New York State, the New York State Allies for Public Education (NYSAPE) and Long Island Opt Out (LIOO). The chapter investigates how they used social media and horizontal grassroots organizing strategies to gain political success, along with vertical strategies pressuring the legislature and Board of Regents. Our research reveals that parents in New York are reclaiming their democratic citizenship role in influencing their children’s public schooling and rejecting the corporate reform agenda.


Author(s):  
Hubert M. Bianco ◽  
Peter A. Bender

Freeport Electric is one of only three Long Island-based, New York State municipal electric utilities that self-generate its electrical needs. A member of the New York Association for Public Power, the utility serves a community of over 45,000 people with a diverse customer base of approximately 15,000 residential, commercial and municipal customers. Freeport Electric’s energy costs are among the lowest on Long Island.


Author(s):  
Wayne Ugolik ◽  
Nancy O'Connell ◽  
Jerome S. Gluck ◽  
Atma Sookram

New York State's first suburban high-occupancy-vehicle (HOV) lanes were opened in May 1994 along a 19.3-km (12-mi) stretch of the Long Island Expressway (LIE), I-495 in western Suffolk County, a major suburb of metropolitan New York City. As with some other HOV facilities across the country, the implementation of HOV lanes on Long Island remains controversial. Nevertheless, HOV lanes continue to have an important role in subsequent plans to manage congestion on the LIE. In May 1991 the New York State Department of Transportation formed the LIE/HOV task force to provide advisory opinions on key HOV issues. The task force, comprising private-sector and government representatives, recommended among its numerous findings that the New York State Department of Transportation establish a comprehensive HOV monitoring program to provide up-to-date information to the media and concerned citizens, as well as help fine-tune operational and marketing elements associated with HOV lane usage and to provide firsthand information and guidance for the subsequent development of HOV lanes on the LIE and in the region. The department, in conjunction with consultant services, instituted a monitoring program that involved surveys and focus groups and periodic compilation of relevant HOV data. The first stage of that ongoing evaluation process is reported. A finding of note is that the HOV lanes have encouraged new ridesharing. Also, both HOV users and nonusers support extending the HOV lanes on the LIE.


1952 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 436-437
Author(s):  
Sherman N. Tinkelman ◽  
Minerva K. Chapman

Probably the question asked most frequently of the New York State Education Department's test advisory service is: “What standardized tests are the other schools using and how well satisfied are they with their results?” To obtain a cross-sectional picture of actual practice in the state with respect to the use of standardized tests of mathematics, questionnaires were sent in the fall of 1951 to the approximately 1,300 schools of secondary grade (grades 7-12) in the state. The chairman of the mathematics department or the teacher in charge of mathematics in each school was asked to indicate the standardized tests of mathematics administered in the school during the 1950-1951 school year, the reason for using the tests, and his evaluation of the tests. Such information promises to be helpful to mathematics teachers in deriving suggestions for the evaluation and improvement of their own testing programs.


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