Blaming Children: How Rape Myths Manifest in Defense Attorneys’ Questions to Children Testifying About Child Sexual Abuse

2021 ◽  
pp. 088626052110234
Author(s):  
Suzanne St. George ◽  
Emily Denne ◽  
Stacia N. Stolzenberg
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Abuse ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Child Sexual Abuse ◽  
Sexual Assault ◽  
Drug Use ◽  
Rape Myths ◽  
Rape Myth ◽  
Sexual Assaults ◽  
Sex Offenses ◽  
Defense Attorneys

Since rape myths were codified in 1980 ( Burt, 1980 ), scholars have shown that individuals who endorse rape myths perceive victims as less credible and more responsible for rape and perpetrators as less responsible. Studies also show that rape myths hinder successful adjudication of rape cases by influencing juries’ assessments of perpetrator guilt ( Dinos et al., 2015 ). While most of this research focuses on sexual assaults involving adult victims, some scholars have found that victims as young as 12 are blamed for rape. If rape myths influence the perceptions of sex offenses even when victims are children, then defense attorneys in child sexual abuse (CSA) cases may be motivated to highlight rape myth in CSA trials. In the current study, we conducted a content analysis of the cross-examinations of 122 children, aged 6 to 17, alleging CSA to determine if and how defense attorneys question children about rape myths. We looked for questions about force and resistance, motives to lie, victim precipitation, and character issues (e.g., habitual drug use). We found that defense attorneys commonly referenced rape myths in CSA trials. A total of 10% of all defense attorneys’ lines of questioning referenced a rape myth, and attorneys asked 77% of children at least one rape myth line of questioning. Whether or not attorneys asked about different myths and the content of these questions varied by children’s age. Our findings indicate that defense attorneys use rape myths strategically to undermine children’s credibility in CSA trials, but they adapt (adult) rape myths in ways that are plausible in the CSA context. Policies formed to prevent the prejudicial impact of rape myths at sexual assault trials involving adults (e.g., rape shield laws) may not adequately prevent their impact in CSA trials. Prosecutors, therefore, should address rape myths at CSA trials.

Silent Survivors

2011 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 596-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole M. Heath ◽  
Shannon M. Lynch ◽  
April M. Fritch ◽  
Lyn N. McArthur ◽  
Shilo L. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Assault ◽  
Female Offenders ◽  
Rape Myths ◽  
Rape Myth ◽  
Sexual Assaults ◽  
Rape Victims ◽  
State Prison ◽  
Self Blame ◽  
Women's Narratives ◽  
Situational Characteristics

Prior research suggests that rape victims who do not disclose or report to the police give reasons including self-blame and fear of judgment; however, this research has not been conducted with incarcerated women. Female offenders are a unique population because they experience high rates of sexual assault prior to incarceration. This study recruited 74 women at a U.S. state prison, who experienced sexual assault prior to incarceration to explore the associations among rape myth acceptance (RMA), disclosure, and reporting of sexual assaults to the authorities. Participants were asked open-ended questions regarding why they chose to disclose their sexual assaults to others, to report to the police, or to remain silent. Narratives were audiotaped, transcribed, and coded for thematic content. Women’s narratives, particularly those of women who indicated that they remained silent, frequently included a variety of rape myths that involved blaming themselves for the rape, fearing not being believed, believing that familiar perpetrators cannot be rapists, and questioning whether the event was really a rape. Women often described such rape myth beliefs with greater frequency than discussing situational characteristics of the rape as reasons for nonreporting. Implications for these findings in clinical, research, and social justice contexts are discussed.

Dispelling a Myth: Reevaluating the Predictive Validity of Rape Myth Acceptance for Likelihood of Engaging in Sexual Violence

Sexual Abuse ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 107906322110262
Author(s):  
Annabelle Frazier ◽  
Joseph E. Gonzales
Keyword(s):  
Violence Prevention ◽  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Predictive Power ◽  
Rape Myths ◽  
Criminal History ◽  
College Campuses ◽  
Rape Myth ◽  
Sexual Assaults ◽  
College Age ◽  
Recent Attention

Sexual violence prevention on college campuses has received significant recent attention. A prevalent intervention paradigm has centered around re-educating young people around consent and reduce endorsement of “rape myths,” based on the correlation between rape myths and sexual violence incidents. Yet many of these programs have not measurably reduced sexual assaults. We evaluated the predictive value of a rape myth measure, as compared with other predictors (criminal history, childhood victimization, aggressive tendencies, substance use, and empathy), in predicting self-reported acts of forcible and incapacitated sexual assault in college-age men ( N = 304) from 45 U.S. states. Across three logistic regression model pairs, rape myths were weakly associated with violence when considered as sole predictors. However, this predictive power dissipated when other predictors were included. Comprehensive models accounted significantly better for variability in outcomes; with criminal history demonstrating consistent predictive effects. Based on these findings, we recommend further research into prevention programming based on other predictors of violence.

Public perceptions of sex crimes and sex offenders

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark C. Stafford ◽  
Donna M. Vandiver
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Abuse ◽  
Sex Offenders ◽  
Sex Offender ◽  
Rape Myths ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Sex Crimes ◽  
Sexual Assaults ◽  
Residence Restrictions ◽  
Laws And Policies

Sex crimes and sex offenders generate considerable public fear and worry, yet many public perceptions about sex offenders are inaccurate. Links between fear of sex crimes, especially rape, and fear of other types of crime are considered. The essay reviews research on public perceptions of sex offender laws and policies, including registration laws, notification laws, residence restrictions, punishment and treatment of sex offenders, and civil commitment. Discussion focuses on the perceptions of criminal justice officials, lawmakers, sexual abuse professionals, and survivors of sexual assaults. Inaccuracies in public perceptions of sex crimes and sex offenders are explored, with a special focus on rape myths. Despite the inaccuracy of many public perceptions of sex crimes and sex offenders, what cannot be overlooked is the harm that sex offenders actually cause.

Cumulative trauma: The impact of child sexual abuse, adult sexual assault, and spouse abuse

1996 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria M. Follette ◽  
Melissa A. Polusny ◽  
Anne E. Bechtle ◽  
Amy E. Naugle
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Abuse ◽  
Child Sexual Abuse ◽  
Sexual Assault ◽  
Spouse Abuse ◽  
Cumulative Trauma ◽  
Adult Sexual Assault ◽  
The Impact

Drug Use in University Women: The Role of Child Sexual Abuse and Anxiety Symptoms

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn B. Mirotchnick ◽  
Lianne Rosen ◽  
Erin M. Eadie ◽  
Marsha G. Runtz
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Abuse ◽  
Child Sexual Abuse ◽  
Drug Use ◽  
Anxiety Symptoms ◽  
University Women

Real men can't get raped: an examination of gendered rape myths and sexual assault among undergraduates

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 314-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina L. Reitz-Krueger ◽  
Sadie J. Mummert ◽  
Sara M. Troupe
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Assault ◽  
Rape Myths ◽  
Sexual Assaults ◽  
Male Victims ◽  
Online Questionnaire ◽  
Male And Female ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Female Victims ◽  
Relative Neglect ◽  
Male Rape Myths

Purpose While awareness of sexual assaults on college campuses has increased, the majority of efforts to address it are focused on female victims. The relative neglect of male victims may be due in part to problematic rape myths that suggest men cannot be sexually assaulted, especially by women. The purpose of this paper is to compare rates of different types of sexual assault between male and female undergraduates, and explore the relationship between acceptance of traditional rape myths focused on female victims, and rape myths surrounding male victims. Design/methodology/approach Students at a mid-sized university in Pennsylvania (n=526) answered an online questionnaire about their own experiences of sexual assault since coming to college, as well as their endorsement of male and female rape myths. Findings While women experienced more sexual assault overall, men were just as likely to have experienced rape (i.e. forced penetration) or attempted rape. Acceptance of male and female rape myths was significantly correlated and men were more likely than women to endorse both. Participants were also more likely to endorse female than male rape myths. Research limitations/implications By analyzing sexual assaults in terms of distinct behaviors instead of one composite score, the authors can get a more nuanced picture of how men and women experience assault. Practical implications Campus-based efforts to address sexual assault need to be aware that male students also experience assault and that myths surrounding men as victims may impede their ability to access services. Originality/value This paper contributes to our knowledge of a relatively understudied topic: undergraduate male victims of sexual assault.

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