`A Phantom Menace and the New Apartheid': The Social Construction of Asylum-Seekers in the United Kingdom

2003 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Lynn ◽  
Susan Lea
2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Gagnon

This article explores the limits of student engagement in higher education in the United Kingdom through the social construction of student activists within media discourses. It scrutinises the impact of dominant neoliberal discourses on the notion of student engagement, constructing certain students as legitimately engaged whilst infantilising and criminalising those who participate in protest. Exploring media coverage of and commentary on students engaged in activism, from the 2010 protests against university fee increases and from more recent activism in 2016, the article draws upon Sara Ahmed’s (2014) Willful Subjects and Imogen Tyler’s (2013) Revolting Subjects to examine critically the ways in which some powerful discourses control and limit which activities, practices and voices can be recognised as legitimate forms of student engagement.


2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (10) ◽  
pp. 1853-1876 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Raco

The reform of regional governance in the United Kingdom has been, in part, premised on the notion that regions provide new territories of action in which cooperative networks between business communities and state agencies can be established. Promoting business interests is seen as one mechanism for enhancing the economic competitiveness and performance of ‘laggard’ regions. Yet, within this context of change, business agendas and capacities are often assumed to exist ‘out there’, as a resource waiting to be tapped by state institutions. There is little recognition that business organisations' involvement in networks of governance owes much to historical patterns and practices of business representation, to the types of activities that exist within the business sector, and to interpretations of their own role and position within wider policymaking and implementation networks. This paper, drawing on a study of business agendas in post-devolution Scotland, demonstrates that in practice business agendas are highly complex. Their formation in any particular place depends on the actions of reflexive agents, whose perspectives and capacities are shaped by the social, economic, and political contexts within which they are operating. As such, any understanding of business agendas needs to identify the social relations of business as a whole, rather than assuming away such complexities.


Author(s):  
John Chandler ◽  
Elisabeth Berg ◽  
Marion Ellison ◽  
Jim Barry

This chapter discusses the contemporary position of social work in the United Kingdom, and in particular the challenges to what is seen as a managerial-technicist version of social work. The chapter begins with focus on the situation from the 1990s to the present day in which this version of social work takes root and flourishes. The discussion then concentrates on three different routes away from a managerial-technicist social work: the first, reconfiguring professional practice in the direction of evaluation in practice, the second ‘reclaiming social work’ on the Hackney relationship-based model and the third ‘reclaiming social work’ in a more radical, highly politicised way. Special attention is devoted to a discussion about how much autonomy the social workers have in different models, but also what kind of autonomy and for what purpose.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Campbell ◽  
Solomon Afework

This paper explores key aspects of the immigrant experience of 50,000-plus Ethiopians and Eritreans who live in the United Kingdom. We seek to understand the extent to which immigrant life in the UK has acted ‘as a kind of pivot’ between integrating in their country of settlement and enduring forms of connection with their country of origin. This question is explored by an examination of immigrant organising in the UK – in Refugee Community Organisations – and through interviews about their life in the UK and evolving ideas about self-identity. We argue for an open-ended approach to understand immigrants which sidesteps assumptions about forms of collective identity and which asks how the social and policy context has affected immigrant settlement and integration in the UK.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Nazri Muslim ◽  
Osman Md Rasip ◽  
Khairul Hamimah Mohammad Jodi ◽  
Abdullah Ibrahim ◽  
Otong Rosadi

In Malaysia, there is no one institution that can outdo the supremacy of the Federal Constitution. Even the three government bodies that refer to the power separation doctrine which is the legislative, judiciary and executive bodies even the Yang di-Pertuan Agong are under this Federal Constitution. The constitution can be divided into two, written and non-written constitution. The written constitution is the form of constitution that is gathered and arranged in one document. The non-written counterpart encompasses all of the constitutional principles not compiled in one document such as the law endorsed by the Parliament and the verdicts of the court such as in the United Kingdom. Other than the constitution, there are certain practices that are thought to be part of the principles of the constitution. This is known as the Constitutional Convention or the customary practice of the Constitution. Constitutional convention is a non-legislative practice and it is similar to the political ethics and not enforced in court. Although it seems trivial, it is important for this practice to be complied with, otherwise it is difficult for the constitution to work successfully as the constitutional convention cannot be brought to court and forced to be obeyed. Thus, the discussion of this article rests on the constitutional convention in terms of the social contract, the appointment of the Prime Minister, the appointment of the country’s main positions and collective responsibility.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 203
Author(s):  
Hasanuddin Hasanuddin

AbstrakPontianak mendapat perhatian kolonial Belanda setelah Inggris melakukan perdagangan di Kalimantan Barat. Persaingan dagang antara Belanda dan Inggris membawa pengaruh bagi perdagangan di Pontianak. Kemajuan perdagangan menarik perhatian kolonial Belanda untuk menguasai Pontianak. Kolonial Belanda membatasi kekuasaan Sultan Pontianak melalui perjanjian-perjanjian membawa dampak sosial, politik, ekonomi, dan budaya. Eksploitasi kolonial Belanda melahirkan perubahan-perubahan baru dalam hubungan kekuasaan kongsi-kongsi Cina dan monopoli perdagangan di Pontianak. Kolonial Belanda semakin mempertegas kekuasaannya di Pontianak setelah Inggris mengesahkan James Brooke sebagai wakil pemerintahannya di Kalimantan Utara. Terdapat interelasi yang dinamis antara perubahan struktur politik dan ekonomi terhadap perubahan sosial masyarakat di Pontianak. Hubungan komunikasi melalui jaringan perdagangan antarpulau telah mendorong para pedagang sebagai komunitas baru membentuk dan mendirikan perkampungan suku bangsa di Pontianak. Hubungan yang dinamis antara Pontianak dengan daerah-daerah di Kalimantan Barat terutama Sambas, Mempawah, Landak, Sanggau, Sintang, Matan, dan Sukadana telah membawa kemajuan politik dan ekonomi Pontianak sebagai pusat perdagangan dan pemerintahan Residen Kalimantan Barat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yaitu studi pustaka dengan mengumpulkan data-data sejarah, dengan menguraikan suatu peristiwa ke dalam bagian-bagiannya dalam rangka memahami kebijakan politik dan perdagangan kolonial Belanda di Pontianak. Abstract Pontianak had an attention of Dutch colonial after British trade in West Kalimantan. Trade competition between the Netherlands and the United Kingdom had an impact on trade in Pontianak. The pprogress attract the attention of Dutch colonial to master Pontianak. The Dutch Colonial control the power of the Sultan of Pontianak through agreements and bring the impact in the social, political, economic, and cultural. Dutch colonial exploitation brought changes in the power relations of chinesse allied and the monopoly of trade in Pontianak. The Dutch colonial emphasized rule in Pontianak after United Kingdom endorses James Brooke as a representative government in North Kalimantan.There is a dynamic interrelation changes in political and economic that brought change social structures in Pontianak. The communication links through a network of inter-island trade has prompted traders as new communities formed and founded the settlement of ethnic groups in Pontianak. The dynamic relationship between Pontianak and West Kalimantan areas such as Sambas, Mempawah, Landak, Sanggau, Sintang, Matan, and Sukadana has brought political and economic progress.And declared Pontianak as a center of commerce and government Resident West Kalimantan. This study uses the history of the literature by collecting historical data, describing an event into its parts in order to understand the political and trade policies of the colonial Dutch in Pontianak.


2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Bloch

Convention status accords refugees social and economic rights and security of residence in European countries of asylum. However, the trend in Europe has been to prevent asylum seekers reaching its borders, to reduce the rights of asylum seekers in countries of asylum and to use temporary protection as a means of circumventing the responsibility of long-term resettlement. This paper will provide a case study of the United Kingdom. It will examine the social and economic rights afforded to different statuses in the areas of social security, housing, employment and family reunion. It will explore the interaction of social and economic rights and security of residence on the experiences of those seeking protection. Drawing on responses to the crisis in Kosovo and on data from a survey of 180 refugees and asylum seekers in London it will show the importance of Convention status and the rights and security the status brings.


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