Ana Jordan, The new politics of fatherhood: Men’s movements and masculinities

2020 ◽  
pp. 095935352098088
Author(s):  
Ashlee Borgkvist
Keyword(s):  
2009 ◽  
Vol 67 (First Serie (1) ◽  
pp. 110-112
Author(s):  
Michael Keating
Keyword(s):  

2008 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judy Bachrach
Keyword(s):  

Urbanisation ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 245574712097314
Author(s):  
Amita Bhide

This article reflects on the significance of an administrative boundary in producing distinctive forms of political assertion. It shows how acts of highlighting the ward boundaries of a marginal suburban ward in Mumbai illuminated an important scale of discriminatory spatial governance and also helped its residents organise and articulate a new politics of infrastructural need at a significant planning scale.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-180
Author(s):  
Stephen Macedo

AbstractIn the U.S., and elsewhere, populism has been democracy’s way of shaking elites up. We can view populism in part as a revolt of the losers, or perceived losers, of globalization. Yet elites have often paid too little heed to the domestic distributive impact of high immigration and globalized trade. Immigration and globalization are also spurring forms of nativism and demagoguery that threaten both democratic deliberation and undermine progressive political coalitions. The challenge now is to find the most reasonable – or least unreasonable – responses to the new politics of resentment: ways that recognize that egalitarian liberalism and social democracy are national projects and preserve progressive political coalitions, while also acknowledging our interconnections, duties, and moral obligations to those beyond our borders.


Author(s):  
Eric Helleiner

Abstract As the global crisis triggered by the COVID-19 virus unfolded, The Economist magazine published a cover in May 2020 titled “Goodbye globalization: the dangerous lure of self-sufficiency.” The title summed up well the new political interest in the ideology of national economic self-sufficiency in the pandemic context. Unfortunately, contemporary textbooks in the field of international political economy (IPE) say little about this kind of “autarkic” thought. No survey of the history of autarkic thought exists even within specialist IPE literature or in the fields of intellectual history and the history of economic thought. Filling this gap in existing scholarship, this article highlights a rich history of autarkic thought that includes the ideas of famous thinkers such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Johann Fichte, Mohandas Gandhi, and John Maynard Keynes. Three core rationales for a high degree of national self-sufficiency have been advanced in the past: (1) insulation from foreign economic influence, (2) insulation from foreign political and/or cultural influence, and (3) the promotion of international peace. At the same time, considerable disagreements have existed among autarkists about some of these rationales and their relative importance, as well as about the precise meaning of national self-sufficiency. These disagreements stemmed not just from differences in their specific goals but also from the different conditions across time and space in which autarkic thought was developed. In addition to improving understanding of the autarkic ideological tradition, this article contributes to emerging scholarship attempting to overcome Western-centrism in IPE scholarship as well as literature exploring the new politics of de-globalization in the current era.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (6) ◽  
pp. 61-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mireille Paquet
Keyword(s):  

2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
DEVIN O. PENDAS

When the late Kenneth Cmiel undertook the first systematic analysis of the emerging historiography of human rights in 2004, he surveyed a field that was ‘refreshingly inchoate’. In the ensuing seven years, the scholarship on the history of human rights has burgeoned considerably. Yet one might still reasonably characterise the field overall as inchoate. Like any new subfield of historical inquiry, there is a clear lack of consensus among leading historians of human rights about even the most elementary contours of the subject. What are human rights? When and where did they emerge? How and why did they spread (if, indeed, they spread at all)? Who were the crucial agents in this history? Few historians working in the field seem to agree in their answers to any of these questions.


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