The Political Possibilities of an Administrative Boundary: How the Transforming M-Ward Project ‘Constructed’ the Ward

Urbanisation ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 245574712097314
Author(s):  
Amita Bhide

This article reflects on the significance of an administrative boundary in producing distinctive forms of political assertion. It shows how acts of highlighting the ward boundaries of a marginal suburban ward in Mumbai illuminated an important scale of discriminatory spatial governance and also helped its residents organise and articulate a new politics of infrastructural need at a significant planning scale.

City, State ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 17-50
Author(s):  
Ran Hirschl

This chapter examines four introductory dimensions of the political and constitutional discourse around cities. The first is the tremendous interest in cities throughout much of the human sciences as contrasted with the silence of public law in general, and of comparative constitutional law in particular. Next, the chapter takes a look at the dominant statist stance embedded in constitutional law, in particular as it addresses sovereignty and spatial governance of the polity. A brief account of what national constitutions actually say about cities, and more significantly what they do not is then given. Finally, the chapter turns to the tendency in political discourse on collective identity to understand the “local” almost exclusively at the national or regional levels, rather than distinguishing urban interests from those of the state. Taken together, the four angles of city constitutional (non)status examined here highlight the bewildering silence of contemporary constitutional discourse with respect to cities and urbanization, as well as the strong statist outlook embedded in national constitutional orders, effectively rendering the metropolis a constitutionally non-tenable entity.


2014 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 1111-1133 ◽  
Author(s):  
PATRICK ANDELIC

ABSTRACTThe 1970s was a decade of acute existential crisis for the Democratic party, as ‘New Politics’ insurgents challenged the old guard for control of both the party apparatus and the right to define who a true ‘liberal’ was. Those Democrats who opposed New Politics reformism often found themselves dubbed ‘neoconservatives’. The fact that so many ‘neoconservatives’ eventually made their home in the Grand Old Party (GOP) has led historians to view them as a Republican bloc in embryo. The apostasy of the neoconservatives fits neatly into the political historiography of the 1970s, which is dominated by the rise of the New Right and its takeover of the Republican party. Yet this narrative, though seductive, overlooks the essentially protean character of politics in that decade. This article uses the 1976 Senate campaign mounted by Daniel Patrick Moynihan – the dandyish Harvard academic, official in four presidential administrations, and twice US ambassador – to demonstrate that many ‘neoconservatives’ were advancing a recognizably liberal agenda and seeking to define a new ‘vital center’ against the twin poles of the New Politics and the New Right. A microcosm of a wider struggle to define liberalism, Moynihan's candidacy complicates our understanding of the 1970s as an era of rightward drift.


Author(s):  
Bogdana N. Koljević Griffith ◽  

In this article, the author discusses how the crisis of the contemporary European Union appears not merely as a crisis of the so-called “democratic deficit”, the way in which Habermas has most notably articulated this argument, but rather as a structural and original crisis of political subjectivity and democracy per se. In other words, the crisis of the EU is systemic and refers to the concept of the political — especially in the context of twenty-first century Europe. In this framework, the differentiation between the concepts of Europe and the EU particularly discloses the neoliberal and postmodern character of the latter, i. e., at the same time the struggle for self-governance and autonomy of the former. Moreover, it is argued how it is precisely the return to ancient democracy that reveals the path for rethinking true democracy of contemporary Europe. This is especially emphasized in reference to both practices and the concept of the polis. In conclusion, it is claimed that new politics of emancipation, which first and foremost go back to the meaning of isonomia and isegoria and as such presents the project of autonomy, presents a reappearance of ancient democracy in contemporary times. Finally, this project is articulated as one of politics of time and likewise politics of locality.


Author(s):  
Pierre Rosanvallon

This chapter explores a new politics of presence, which takes on a variety of forms. For society itself presence is a new way of understanding what belongs to the realm of the political. It has also given rise to a “new militancy of presence,” the role of which has grown as traditional representative organizations have declined. Charitable organizations long served to “educate the social gaze,” but in recent years many other groups have begun to fill this role. For example, there are groups that specialize in publicizing the plight of the children of illegal immigrants threatened with expulsion, and other groups that take up the cause of laid-off workers. The role of these groups is not simply to defend the interests of the people they represent. It is rather to give them social existence, to bring them recognition as a community, and to raise their plight as a political issue.


2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Val Gillies

This paper argues for a critical reclaiming of family and highlights the risks associated with decentring such a powerful and pervasive concept. Influential critiques of family as an organising category are considered in the context of a contemporary trend towards reorienting it within broader studies foregrounding personal and intimate realms of human connectedness. It is suggested that while concepts of personal lives and intimacy have much to offer they can not capture the full range and nature of relations raised through the lens of family. In particular the political consequences of subsuming family within wider approaches are set out through reference to a new public politics of family in which emphasis is placed less on structure and function, and more on knowledge and competence. Through an exploration of the key changes characterising this shift a case is made for retaining family (alongside intimacy and personal life) as a flexible, enduring and necessary sociological framework.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dave Richards ◽  
Patrick Diamond ◽  
Alan Wager

The embedded nature of the British Political Tradition has created a series of pathologies about the way politics in Westminster is conducted. The endurance of the British Political Tradition emanates from its resilience to pressures for reform. Yet the rising anti-politics tide, the expression of which was vented in the 2016 European Union referendum, presents a critical challenge to the British Political Tradition. Given the political instability resulting from Brexit, this article maps the fate of previous attempts to reform the way politics is conducted in Britain. It identifies two waves of ‘new politics’ that have defined themselves against the ‘old politics’ of the British Political Tradition: the first, a series of demands for reform during the 1970s; the second, a sustained call for political reform from the 1990s onwards. The subsequent analysis reveals a link between both waves in demands for a less ‘elitist’ and more participatory style of democracy, but at the same time, a failure to dislodge the core tenets of the British Political Tradition. Given the current state of British politics, the article considers whether calls for a new form of politics in response to the climate of anti-politics, and the need for a post-Brexit settlement, will suffer a similar fate.


2001 ◽  
Vol 5 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 148-156
Author(s):  
David Korten

AbstractThis article affirms Thomas Berry's description of our cultural predicament and the responses he offers in terms of the Universe Story and the 'great work'. After articulating aspects of this new story, the article proceeds to discuss the implications for a new politics and a new economy. The three elements of the 'great work' that of telling the story, the creation of a new politics and the creation of a new economy are essential to the transformation of society. Yet the political and economic transformation are dependent on real democracy, and all are in need of profound reform.


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