Market imperative meets normative power: Human rights and European arms transfer policy

2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Erickson
Author(s):  
Beatrix Futák-Campbell

This chapter focus on the moral concerns of practitioners regarding the eastern neighbourhood. The normative power literature deliberately decouples norms from values. But this chapter demonstrates that in practice it is impossible to do so. The EU practitioners demonstrate how they operationalise their specific moral concerns for the eastern neighbourhood. Their norm deployments are consistent with Legro, Buzan and Zizek’s claims of norm use. In addition, the analysis reveals instances when practitioners risk sounding moralising rather than moral. This is highly problematic for two reasons. First, moralising endangers alienating neighbouring states who align themselves with the EU but do not want to receive a lecture by EU practitioners. Second, if the EU cannot deliver on specific commitments, this will have implications for its status with regards to support for democracy or human rights in the region.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Rr. Nurul Rahmah C.P ◽  
Ridwan Stanley Sinaga ◽  
Adi Fadhilah Nurul Rahman ◽  
Enno Nuri Al Sarah ◽  
Hari Agung Satya Wicaksana ◽  
...  

Cooperation could be done by integrated cooperation between states member and inter regional organization equally, like ASEAN and EU (Eropean Union) cooperation. Popular speculations between this two organizations are mostly partial, biased in gap between EU contribution to ASEAN rather than vice versa. In this paper, we challenge capability of ASEAN as a regional organization with most of the member states are developing and third world country comparing to EU which 26 of members states has highest GDP all around the world. This paper also discuss about ASEAN as an organization that have eperiences in several humanitarian violation cases, comparing with EU as a ‘safe heaven’ in human rights. Through ecleckticism theory, we would see how liberalism and realism played a role in seeing such phenomenon, and how to see between those two theories. This paper argEUs that there are mutuliasm cooperations between EU and ASEAN, start with EU contribution on ASEAN structures, the critics about ASEAN as ‘imitation community’, and also being partner with ASEAN in investments. ASEAN is also seen as a ‘teacher’ for EU in pragmatism and normative power to improve EU capability as inclusive community.Keywords: trade, hegemony, multilateral, EU, ASEAN


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Moscoe

Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, accelerated initiatives tocombat terrorism have been criticized for overstepping the bounds of universal human rights norms. A defining feature of European Union (EU) policy as a normative power is how it navigates the customary frictions between human rights and counterterrorism by committing to “combat terrorism globally while respecting human rights, and make Europe safer, allowing its citizens to live in an area of freedom, security and justice.” This paper argues that the threat of transnational terrorism has led Europe to stray from its normative position. This is most clearly understood by examining the securitization of EU interactions with the Mediterranean - particularly North Africa - with regard to migration policy. Migration is considered as “transformed into a key element in the context of transnational threats,” and indeed EU Member States are targeted by Islamist terrorists entering EU soil by way of the Middle East or the Maghreb. Finally, this paper explores how the post-9/11 threat environment - anintensified “global risk society” -has led the EU to downplay its traditional role in ensuring protection of universal human rights through such normative instruments as the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonios Tzanakopoulos

International organizations often lack operational capacity, but may command significant normative power over States. By contrast, States have organs with significant operational capacity. Adoption of sanctions by the un Security Council under Chapter vii of the un Charter would remain a dead letter without enlisting the capacity of States to implement these measures on the ground. The un and its member States may thus both contribute to a single harmful outcome when sanctions are wrongful. International responsibility for this is shared in practice, as demonstrated by recent developments in domestic and regional international courts: States are held responsible by domestic or regional international courts, and are forced to disobey the Security Council in order to comply with their human rights obligations. In turn, the States put pressure on the Security Council to reform the offending regime, forcing the un to comply with its own international obligations.


2014 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-437 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik Larsen

This article attempts to demonstrate the importance of the discursive context for whether and, if so, how the European Union (EU) can exert normative power in different policy areas. Surprisingly, the concept of power has not been extensively discussed in the academic literature on Normative Power Europe, with the notable exceptions of Diez (2013); Keene (2012); Forsberg (2011) and Huelss (2011) (who also discuss the meaning of the ‘normative’). Focusing on power, the question asked in this article is how the discursive context of the politics of religion affects the EU’s ability to exert normative power in this area. The article examines the politics of religion by looking at the case of the debate about human rights versus religion in the United Nations Human Rights Council after the year 2000. The broader point addressed in the article is whether the EU can exert normative power regardless of the discursive context of the policy area concerned.


Author(s):  
Raja Noureddine

Ian Manners (2002) famously argued that the European Union (EU) is a ‘normative’ power. According to this description, ethical values are fundamental both to the legal basis, and to the day- to-day policies of the EU. This essay evaluates the claim that the EU is a Normative Power, focusing on the field of human rights. Certainly, the EU strongly promotes its human rights policies as being a force for good in the world. The EU’s has traditionally been supportive of international legal regimes, and its human rights values have conditioned its relations with other actors. Despite this, the EU’s policies have often failed to change the behaviour of other actors. The main cause of this gap between rhetoric and reality is the conflict between the traditional realist interests of member states, and the ideals of the EU. The EU must be more conscious of this clash, if its human rights policies are to be successful.


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