Strong-tie discussion, political trust and political participation: A comparative study of mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan

2021 ◽  
pp. 174804852110290
Author(s):  
Minwei Ai ◽  
Nan Zhang

This study examined the relationships between social media use, strong-tie discussion, and political participation in three Chinese societies, mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Our findings showed that strong-tie discussion is positively related to collective action participation across the three societies. More importantly, strong-tie discussion mediates the effect of political use of social media on political participation in mainland China and Taiwan, but not in Hong Kong. Furthermore, we explored the moderation role of political trust, finding that it narrows down the participation gap between those who use social media more and those who use less in Hong Kong and Taiwan, while enlarges the participation gap in mainland China. This study contributes to the theory of deliberative and participatory democracy by examining the role of strong tie in Chinese contexts and suggests that strong-tie discussion may exert a more important effect on political participation in a more collectivistic society.

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110285
Author(s):  
Yuanhang Lu ◽  
Yi-Hui C. Huang ◽  
Lang Kao ◽  
Yu-tzung Chang

This study examines the authoritarian conditioning of political expression on social media in three Chinese societiesby analyzing three parallel surveys comprising 6942 respondents from mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Results demonstrate that the use of social media to gather political information triggers politically expressive use of social media and indirectly predicts offline non-institutionalized political participation. Individuals' authoritarian orientation, however, moderates such indirect effects. Only people who demonstrate low or moderate adherence to authoritarian value systems exemplify this mediation model. Those with high levels of authoritarian orientation are not exemplary. Furthermore, the extent to which social media use interacts with authoritarian orientation to build a relationship with political participation presents two different patterns across three Chinese societies. The moderated mediating effect described here exists in Hong Kong and Taiwan but not in mainland China. Finally, we discuss the implications of these findings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (8) ◽  
pp. 1339-1358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetsuro Kobayashi

Despite the concern that partisan selectivity in the political use of social media leads to mass polarization, the empirical evidence is mixed at best. Given the possibility that these inconclusive findings are attributable to moderators in the process that have not been adequately studied, this article elaborates the roles played by different forms of social identities. By analyzing three datasets collected in Hong Kong, where Chinese and Hong Kongese identities are constructed in a nonmutually exclusive way, this study demonstrates that (1) partisan selectivity in media use is reliably detected among those with single Hong Kongese identity, but not among those with dual identities of Hong Kongese and Chinese, (2) the political use of social media polarizes the attitudes and affects of single identifiers, whereas it has depolarizing effects on dual identifiers, and (3) these contrasting effects on polarization between single and dual identifiers have downstream consequences for political participation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 48-74
Author(s):  
Savas TOKSOZ

This study aims to reveal the role of the agents of political socialization in the use of social media as a tool for receiving political news and political participation. The research findings suggest that there is a positive relationship between the use of social media as a tool for receiving political news and the agents of political socialization, namely, the family, friend groups, school, and traditional media. Similarly, a statistically significant relationship has been found between the use of social media as a tool for political participation and family, friend groups, school, and traditional media.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 2153-2169
Author(s):  
Oladipupo Abdullahi Akinola ◽  
Bahiyah Omar ◽  
Lambe Kayode Mustapha

Political distrust is prevalent in many parts of the world. Scholars have discovered many factors affecting political trust, but they have paid little attention to the influence of issue salience in the media on political trust. Focusing on the role of media in assigning salience to corruption issues in Nigeria, this study examined the influence of mainstream media and social media on political trust. In addition, we treated political participation as a mediating factor and investigated its effect on the relationship between perceived salience of corruption in media and political trust. A survey was conducted on a sample of 688 Nigerians aged above 18 years old using a multi-stage cluster sampling technique. The data was later analyzed using Partial Least Square-Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM). We found that salience in media predicted political trust, and the effect was stronger for social media than mainstream media contexts. Our findings also suggested that political participation directly affected political trust and was a significant mediator that affected the relationships between salience in the mainstream media (SMM) and political trust and between salience in the social media (SSM) and political trust. The results imply that salience in media leads to political participation, leading to political trust. This study supports the assumptions of both agenda-setting and agenda-melding theories. It suggests that policymakers in Nigeria should adopt media, especially social media, to restore the people’s trust in government.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (10) ◽  
pp. 1885-1902 ◽  
Author(s):  
Masahiro Yamamoto ◽  
Seungahn Nah ◽  
Soo Young Bae

This study examines the extent to which social media prosumption, an integrated act of consumption and production, is associated with online political participation. Data from an online panel survey of American adults reveal that social media prosumption has a positive relationship with online political participation indirectly through online political information seeking. Social media prosumption is also positively related to online political participation through online political information and online discussion heterogeneity in serial. Implications are discussed for the role of prosumptive use of social media in online political participation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 146144482094384
Author(s):  
Ali Khalil ◽  
Leysan Khakimova Storie

This article explored the use of social media and mobile communication by women in Saudi Arabia who campaigned for the right to drive from 1990. Due to the globally unique ban on women driving in the Kingdom, females always needed a male driver to transport them. The Saudi government announced in September 2017 that women would be allowed to drive from June 2018. Using the theory of connective action, the article explored the role of social media in the movement for the right to drive, and looked at how activists used digital media platforms to get their messages across to the Saudi publics and the international community. Findings showed that both connective action and collective action offer tactics that can complement each other in an online movement. In addition, results offer in-depth insights about the role of identity in online movements. Threats to and limitations of online movements are also discussed.


Journalism ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 1471-1489
Author(s):  
Y Roselyn Du

Social media is widely seen as playing a crucial role in the Arab Uprisings. This study compares news coverage in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan regarding social media in the Arab Uprisings. Content analysis of 162 news stories revealed that media in the three regions constructed their coverage within different frames, despite the events being geographically remote to the three Greater China regions and occurring in countries with which Greater China has little cultural, religious, ethnical, or economic connections. Overall, a clear pro-social-media pattern was found in Hong Kong and Taiwan media coverage, whereas in mainland China social media and the users involved in the Arab Uprisings were treated in the news in an obscured or unfavorable manner. Mainland China’s coverage was less likely to mention censorship of social media in the revolutions, whereas Hong Kong and Taiwan media frequently reported censorship and took a stance against it. Hong Kong and Taiwan media were also inclined to relate situations in the Arab Uprisings to mainland China. Such variations in the media coverage arguably are mainly due to ideological differences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Aljohara Fahad Al Saud

Identifying language affiliation among children for family immigrants is crucial for one’s language identity. This study aimed to determine the role played by Arab families in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Austria, and Britain to attain language affiliation among their children. It also aims to identify the challenges facing families living in these countries in achieving language affiliation among their children. The study population consisted of all the families that live in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, in addition to all the Arab families that live in Austria and Britain and the study sample included (120) parents. The researcher adopted the descriptive-analytical approach and used the questionnaire as the study tool. The study reached several results; first, the role played by families in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Austria, and United Kingdom to attain language affiliation among their children got a high degree of response. Second, the challenges facing activating the family’s role in attaining language affiliation of their children in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Austria have got a high degree of response, while in Britain, they obtained a very high degree of response. The study recommended involving all family members in accessing different and creative ways of practicing their native language and activating the role of social media in developing the language affiliation of children.


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