Policy entrepreneurs in national climate change policy processes

2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (8) ◽  
pp. 1456-1470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inken Reimer ◽  
Barbara Saerbeck

The multi-level and multi-actor character of the international climate governance regime, as well as the imminent need for action to combat climate change, stimulates the introduction of new and innovative cross-sectoral policy proposals by policy entrepreneurs. To date, academic literature has extensively studied and discussed the importance of policy entrepreneurs for agenda-setting. The role of policy entrepreneurs in providing continuous support for a new climate policy resulting in its implementation, has on the other hand, so far received only little attention. Taking the Norwegian Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation commitment as an exemplary case, this paper explores the potential of entrepreneurial engagement throughout a country’s climate policy-making process. It aims to demonstrate the importance of policy entrepreneurs beyond agenda-setting, namely for the policy formulation phase in which responsibilities for the implementation are designated to governmental bodies. We refer to this step as institutional anchoring. Following an explorative approach, this paper shows that different types of actors – non-governmental organisations and governmental actors – act as policy entrepreneurs. It demonstrates the roles and importance of policy entrepreneurs for not only gaining, but also maintaining attention on a new policy by means of coalition building and framing.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aliya Hemani

At present, there is a rich and extensive body of literature that concerns itself with the climate-related policies of successive Canadian governments. A vast majority of these works rely heavily on a single determinant—societal, governmental, or external—to account for said policies. In borrowing from and adding to this scholarship, this paper demonstrates how all three determinants have interacted with one another in unique and important ways in order to inform Canadian climate policy thus far. In analyzing nearly four decades worth of major climate-related decisions made by the Canadian government, this paper is organized sequentially, into four chronological phases, each of which focuses primarily upon the given governing party. In concluding its evaluation, this paper presents two normative policy recommendations to enhance Canada’s climate agenda: increased investment in green technology and purposive, thoughtful consultation with Indigenous peoples.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9s10 ◽  
pp. 69-98
Author(s):  
Hongyi Lai

For over a decade China has been the predominant carbon emitter in the global economy. It is thus imperative for us to understand the factors behind its climate change policy in the past decades. In the article, the author surveys the evolution of China�s climate change policy during 1990�2021 and applies theories from international relations and international political economy to explain it. It is found that (neo-)realism/nationalism and liberalism, two main theories in the field, offer only a partial explanation of China�s climate policy. The most effective theory is domestic sources. In particular, leadership power consolidation and a concern with economic growth seem to dictate China�s climate policy. The findings point to the analytical utility of domestic political economy in accounting for the climate stances of nation-states. Policy suggestions for external parties to interact with China on climate change are proposed. There the importance of involving China in global action against climate change, as well as the utility of the economy and trade leverage, soft power standing, and the prevention of extreme weather are discussed.


Author(s):  
Michele N Dempster

In light of the 2009 United Nations Copenhagen climate change conference, South Africa announced that in order to combat climate change it would commit to reducing domestic greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 34 per cent by 2020 and 42 per cent by 2025. Due to this commitment, a carbon tax will be implemented as from 1 January 2015. This market-based instrument has received broad attention sparking debate as industries most affected, namely Eskom and the petroleum sector, have rallied together in complaint. The main debate being that despite the politically ambitious commitment to reduce GHG emissions, little scientific, economic or comparative evidence has been given to show that an influence will actually be had on the amount of GHG emitted. The purpose of this article is not to provide a detailed analysis of the entire scope of the South African climate change policy. It focuses on the more limited issue of carbon taxation. This does not however mean that the numerous other competing policy options, which still beg for attention, are not viable or will not be implemented in the future.


Energies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (18) ◽  
pp. 4894 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saleem H. Ali ◽  
Kamila Svobodova ◽  
Jo-Anne Everingham ◽  
Mehmet Altingoz

According to the 2020 Climate Change Performance Index, Australia was ranked as the worst-performing country on climate change policy. The country has an ambivalent record of climate policy development as well as implementation, and has been criticized for its inaction. This paper considers why the country has been locked in climate policy “paralysis” through analyzing defining attributes of such a paralysis, and the tentative connections between domestic energy policies and international trade and development. We conducted a media content analysis of 222 articles and identified media narratives in three cases of energy projects in the country involving thermal coal exports, domestic renewable energy storage, and closure of a domestic coal power station. The analysis reveals that policy paralysis in Australian climate change policy can be traced back to the countervailing arguments that have been pervasive around domestic energy security, rural employment and international energy poverty. The political establishment has struggled to develop a sustainable consensus on climate change and the citizenry remains polarized. We also discuss how a “focusing event,” such as a major natural disaster can break the impasse but this is only possible if energy security at home, energy poverty abroad and employment imperatives across the board are clearly delineated, measured and prioritized.


Author(s):  
Lovleen Bhullar

The program, ‘Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation’ (REDD), which operates within the international climate change policy framework, is projected to emerge as one of the key climate change mitigation mechanisms for developing countries. The existing Afforestation/Reforestation (A/R) mechanism, operating under the Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, may prove useful for drawing lessons for the emerging REDD program, since both mechanisms represent flexible means for developed countries to achieve compliance with their mitigation targets under the Kyoto Protocol. The possible means include CDM as the basis for a project-based approach for the implementation of REDD (if adopted) or the inclusion of REDD within CDM. This article compares the features of A/R CDM and REDD, identifies similarities and differences, and analyses the extent to which the former can provide guidance for the development of a carbon governance mechanism for REDD.


Unity Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 103-113
Author(s):  
Pashupati Nepal

A combined effect of high mountains and highly concentrated monsoon rainfall and socio-economic conditions make Nepal a highly vulnerable country to climate change. Whereas Nepal barely shares emissions of Global Greenhouse Gases (0.027%), it is the fourth most vulnerable country in the world due to the effects of climate change. In this context, this paper aims to review the National Climate Change Policy, 2019 to identify the mainstreaming of mitigation and adaptation strategies in response to the climate change for different sectors and cross cutting sectors. Such an important policy document has for the first-time addressed climate change mitigation and adaptation strategies for different sectors and cross-cutting sectors. It has made provision of institutional set-up representing federal, provincial and local levels. Some of the new strategies under this policy include development and expansion of 'payment for ecosystem services', construct pond to collect rain water, make cycle lane in urban roads, increase carbon stocks, and use renewable technologies and manage climate finance. It has given sole responsibilities of functional coordination to the Ministry of Forest and Environment (MoFE) leaving other ministries as passive partners. This can create incoherence between and among the ministries and departments. The policy formulation and institutional set-up need to be complemented by legislation to achieve expected out-puts. Until now, there is not a single legal document in Nepal that exclusively addresses the climate change issue. Therefore, promulgation of Climate Change Act 2019 can resolve the problems of climate change in the spirit of this policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Anil Patel ◽  
Olivia June Bloodworth ◽  
Vishal Ashok Kumar Unnadkat ◽  
Seetal Assi ◽  
Ashni Asit Badiani

With the UK leaving the EU in 2020, its policies to combat climate change currently remain undecided. One policy discussed in this report is a carbon tax. This report finds that implementation of a carbon tax will require a favourable political climate, public attention and an appropriate cost, with a starting price of £40 per tonne of CO2 emitted, gradually rising to £100-125/tCO2 (1). Also, to be politically acceptable, there must also be ‘revenue recycling’, with some of the proceeds of the carbon tax being redirected to public services (2,3).


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document