coalition building
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2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gideon Ofosu-Peasah

Abstract Estimates show that Ghana losses approximately 30 percent of domestic revenue to corruption. Although losses due to corruption in Ghana’s extractive sector have not yet been quantified, the sector is plagued with incidents of corruption despite the country's commitment to international conventions, transparency mechanisms and best practices. A concerted efforts by state and non-actors is key to ease this canker. Understanding the role of CSOs and media in exposing corruption, promoting oversight and identifying the enablers and obstacles to their work is key to informing practise in the development space. This study examines the role of CSOs and media in the fight against extractive sector corruption. It identifies political economy factors that enable or hinder them in exposing corruption. Lastly, it identifies practical suggestions for surmounting the identified adverse political and economic factors. The research examines two cases of corruption, based on a desktop review and a survey of 11 state and non-state actors. A direct association between the role of CSOs and media and the level of corruption were established. Coalition building, using legal suits, sustaining advocacy, collaborations between media and CSOs are some enabling political economy factors identified. Inadequate resources to sustain advocacy, excessive duplicity of roles amongst oversight institutions, vested interests in extractive sector, inadequate prosecution of offenders by the legal system, inadequate evidence-based policy solutions by government, inadequate political will, limited access to information; little or no funding for legal action, increasing CSO and media employee turnover rates, are identified as some key political economy factors militating against efforts towards stemming corruption in Ghana’s extractive sector. These findings provide reliable information for CSOs and media in development practice, informs advocacy design, evaluates and improves media and CSO effectiveness in ridding the extractive sector of corruption.


Author(s):  
David Horan

Abstract The sustainable development goals (SDGs) offer a broad, holistic framework of interdependent economic, social, and environmental objectives to enable integrated and collaborative approaches to their implementation. A key obstacle for operationalizing such an approach is knowing the right actors to engage on specific challenges. It is acknowledged that linkages across sectors, scales, and actors could provide an evidence base to assess and forge participation in multistakeholder partnerships for implementation. However, technical tools that could help to identify relevant actors and discussions of institutional arrangements to bring these actors on board are notably lacking in the extant literature. To support an evidence-based and systematic approach to coalition building that accounts for synergies and trade-offs across goals and targets, this paper proposes broad-based partnerships and a framework that lead actors can use to help harness collaborative SDG implementation: (1) define the partnership’s scope, (2) identify the main interlinkages, (3) assign responsibilities, (4) select the best available indicators, (5) assess the challenges, and (6) forge a broad-based partnership. After describing key decisions at each step, the article discusses applications of the proposed analytic partnership-building framework to problems that warrant the approach at global, regional, and national levels covering issues such as policy coordination across line ministries, global partnerships for SDG13 implementation in SIDS, energy compacts for SDG7 implementation, and integrated multilateral responses to crises.


Water ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 3541
Author(s):  
Sabrina Kozikis ◽  
Inga T. Winkler

Communities across the United States face a widespread water crisis including risks of contamination, rate increases, shut-offs for non-payment, and dilapidating infrastructure. Against this background, a right to water movement has emerged which has found its strength in coalition-building and collectivity. Activists demand change using the framing of “water is a human right”, socially constructing the right to water from below. Based on more than 25 semi-structured interviews with water advocates and activists, our article explores how movement participants used the human rights framework to advocate for clean and affordable water for all. We used political opportunity theory and conceptions of government “openness” and “closedness” to examine when and how advocates decided to use confrontational and cooperative approaches. We identified a push and pull of different strategies in three key spaces: in the courts, on the streets, and at the Capitols. Advocates used adversarial approaches including protests and civil disobedience, reliance on human rights mechanisms, and to a more limited extent litigation simultaneously with cooperative approaches such as engaging with legislators and the development of concrete proposals and plans for ensuring water affordability. This adaptiveness, persistence, and ability to identify opportunities likely explains the movement’s initial successes in addressing the water crisis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. e006681
Author(s):  
Portia I Chipendo ◽  
Yusra R Shawar ◽  
Jeremy Shiffman ◽  
Junaid Abdul Razzak

IntroductionThe high burden of emergency medical conditions has not been met with adequate financial and political prioritisation especially in low and middle-income countries. We examined the factors that have shaped the priority of global emergency care and highlight potential responses by emergency care advocates.MethodsWe conducted semistructured interviews with key experts in global emergency care practice, public health, health policy and advocacy. We then applied a policy framework based on political ethnography and content analysis to code for underlying themes.ResultsWe identified problem definition, coalition building, paucity of data and positioning, as the main challenges faced by emergency care advocates. Problem definition remains the key issue, with divergent ideas on what emergency care is, should be and what solutions are to be prioritised. Proponents have struggled to portray the urgency of the issue in a way that commands action from decision-makers. The lack of data further limits their effectiveness. However, there is much reason for optimism given the network’s commitment to the issue, the emerging leadership and the existence of policy windows.ConclusionTo improve global priority for emergency care, proponents should take advantage of the emerging governance structure and build consensus on definitions, generate data-driven solutions, find strategic framings and engage with non-traditional allies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 111-111
Author(s):  
Holly Dabelko-Schoeny ◽  
Susan Wallace ◽  
Salli Bolin

Abstract An Ohio Executive Order forced adult day service providers across the state to close from March 24, 2020 until September 21, 2020 due to COVID, resulting in significant hardship for providers and families. In fact, 65% of programs reported laying off or reducing staff and 83% of directors reported participants had to move to higher and more expensive levels of care such as nursing homes and assisted living. Programs reported that 74% of caregivers had to choose between working and taking care of their family members. Ninety-one percent of ADS program directors in Ohio reported their caregivers were experiencing an increase in stress and anxiety. This paper explores the experiences of Ohio adult day providers during the COVID epidemic, and identifies the challenges and opportunities to coalition building to educate policy makers about day services and the crucial care centers provide.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 225-225
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Bergman ◽  
Michelle Porter

Abstract Each institution’s journey to becoming more age inclusive will to depend on its unique characteristics, and be dependent on its strengths and existing gaps. A good place to start is to explore how to build connections and leverage existing initiatives, such as research programs, community connections and importantly the institution’s strategic plan. At this point, elements to consider include coalition building, identifying strengths and gaps, and reframing aging. Because ageism can be a hindrance in many ways, strategies to address ageism should be included. GSA initiatives and tools such as the Reframing Aging Initiative, Ageism First Aid and AARPs Disrupt Aging will be highlighted in our presentation. Examples of how several universities have charted their course to becoming more age-inclusive and age-friendly will be outlined.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-154
Author(s):  
Arinola Adefila ◽  
Yung Fang Chen ◽  
QueAnh Dang ◽  
Alun Dewinter ◽  
Marta Antonelli ◽  
...  

Abstract The article examines the complexities associated with effectively and comprehensively tackling the climate change crisis. Focusing on the need for education, the authors discuss a model of Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) that supports the development of competencies, coalition building and the capacity to support and maintain positive action. Drawing upon principles highlighted by the United Nations, the paper outlines the breadth and depth of knowledge required to support transformative ESD. Firstly enhancing comprehensive knowledge that develops cognitive, affective and axiological dimensions and proficiency. This enhances critical engagement with information and enables individuals to act responsibly and align with others in coalition building. The second element refers to collaborative partnership that is crucial for changes to be effective. This has been one of the most challenging barriers preventing positive action on the catastrophe pf climate change. Finally, the paper emphasizes the need to develop the competencies for supporting collective action, which will enable sustained action across transnational, transdisciplinary and transnational boundaries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002088172110567
Author(s):  
Shubhamitra Das

Indo-Pacific has emerged as a region of great movement, conflict and cooperation, contestations and coalition-building. The emergence of minilateral and multilateral cooperation by the middle powers is increasing in the region, with the regional countries enthusiastically mapping the region focussing on their centrality. History proves that the role of middle-power countries became more prominent during the moments of international transition. The two contrasting powers like India and Australia; one with a post-colonial identity in foreign policy-making, subtle emphasis on non-aligned movement (NAM) and emerging as an influential power, and, on the other, a traditional middle power with an alliance structure and regionalism akin to the Western model, have equal stakes in the region and it is inevitable for them to take a leadership position in building what is called a middle power communion in the Indo-Pacific. This article will explore the understanding of middle powers and how India and Australia, as middle powers; are strategically placed and, being great powers within their respective regions; take the responsibility of region-building and maintaining peace with great powers, and how the Indo-Pacific and Quad are emerging as discourses within their foreign policy-making.


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