scholarly journals Compulsory admission to mental hospital in Thailand and England

1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 355-357
Author(s):  
P. Kupituksa ◽  
J. F. Macmillan ◽  
K. L. Soothill

There are national differences relating to compulsory admission to mental hospitals. As a visitor from Thailand, it was of interest to me (PK) to compare procedures relating to admission, treatment and aftercare of the mentally ill in England and Thailand. In Thailand there is no equivalent of the Mental Health Act 1983. Although there are some legal provisions affecting patients' rights in Thai law, there are no legal provisions concerning ‘detained’ patients in mental hospitals.

1995 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teresa Nemitz ◽  
Philip Bean

While conducting a study on the nature and extent of compulsory admissions to mental hospitals within the four London regional health authorities, discrepancies and inaccuracies were revealed in many of those mental hospital in-patient statistics. The nature and extent of some of these are examined. It is suggested that the value of such statistics for government planning must be questioned as is their value for research. It is recommended that a centralised system of collecting and collating such data be introduced as a matter of priority and that such a system be operated by the Mental Health Act Commission.


1995 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-230
Author(s):  
Benjamin Andoh

Statutory authority for retaking absconders from mental hospitals has existed ever since county asylums (the forerunners of mental hospitals) were first built in the nineteenth century. Today under the Mental Health Act, 1983 that ‘right’ can be exercised by the police, mental hospital staff, approved social workers, etc. This article looks at jurisprudential aspects of that ‘right’. It points out that ‘right’ actually means ‘power’ (not ‘privilege’, ‘claim’ or ‘immunity’). In addition it argues that the Mental Health Act, 1983 does only confer a power (rather than impose a duty) to retake absconders from mental hospitals and that there should not be statutory or other imposition of such a duty.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Rebecca McLaughlan

<p>Thousands of New Zealanders were treated in the nation’s mental hospitals in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Existing research has examined this history of institutionalisation from the perspectives of policy, psychiatric medicine and nursing culture, but to date little has been written about the built fabric of this type of institutional care. This dissertation asks what does the architectural approach taken to Seacliff Asylum (1878-84), Kingseat Hospital (1927-40) and Cherry Farm Hospital (1943-71) indicate about official attitudes to mental illness in New Zealand. Architecture was thought to be capable of performing a curative role in the treatment of mental illness; the administrators of New Zealand’s mental hospitals stated this belief publically in various press releases and reports to the government between 1878 and 1957. This dissertation examines Seacliff, Kingseat and Cherry Farm against current thought regarding the treatment of mental illness and against best architectural practice in mental hospital design.   While these three institutions were the jewels in the crown of New Zealand’s mental hospital network, only Kingseat could be considered an exemplary hospital of its time. The compromises that occurred in the construction of Seacliff, Kingseat and Cherry Farm hospitals indicate that meeting the needs of the mentally ill was only one of a number of agendas that were addressed by the officials involved in the design of these institutions. Many of these agendas were peripheral to the delivery of mental health care, such as the political desire for colonial propaganda and professional concerns of marginalisation, and conflicted with the attainment of ideal environments for the treatment of mental illness. The needs of the mentally ill were a low priority for successive New Zealand governments who exhibited a reluctance to spend taxpayer funds on patients who were not considered curable. The architects and medical advisors involved in the design of these facilities did attempt to meet the needs of these patients; however, they were limited by a design and procurement process that elevated political and operational concerns over the curative potential of these hospitals.   This dissertation also examines the role of individuals in the design of these institutions. Architect Robert Lawson was reproached for deficiencies in the curative potential of Seacliff Asylum. Similarly, medical administrator Theodore Gray has received criticism for limiting the development of New Zealand’s wider network of mental hospital care. This dissertation establishes that Lawson and Gray deserve greater recognition for their relative contributions to the architecture created, within New Zealand, for the treatment of mental illness.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Rebecca McLaughlan

<p>Thousands of New Zealanders were treated in the nation’s mental hospitals in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Existing research has examined this history of institutionalisation from the perspectives of policy, psychiatric medicine and nursing culture, but to date little has been written about the built fabric of this type of institutional care. This dissertation asks what does the architectural approach taken to Seacliff Asylum (1878-84), Kingseat Hospital (1927-40) and Cherry Farm Hospital (1943-71) indicate about official attitudes to mental illness in New Zealand. Architecture was thought to be capable of performing a curative role in the treatment of mental illness; the administrators of New Zealand’s mental hospitals stated this belief publically in various press releases and reports to the government between 1878 and 1957. This dissertation examines Seacliff, Kingseat and Cherry Farm against current thought regarding the treatment of mental illness and against best architectural practice in mental hospital design.   While these three institutions were the jewels in the crown of New Zealand’s mental hospital network, only Kingseat could be considered an exemplary hospital of its time. The compromises that occurred in the construction of Seacliff, Kingseat and Cherry Farm hospitals indicate that meeting the needs of the mentally ill was only one of a number of agendas that were addressed by the officials involved in the design of these institutions. Many of these agendas were peripheral to the delivery of mental health care, such as the political desire for colonial propaganda and professional concerns of marginalisation, and conflicted with the attainment of ideal environments for the treatment of mental illness. The needs of the mentally ill were a low priority for successive New Zealand governments who exhibited a reluctance to spend taxpayer funds on patients who were not considered curable. The architects and medical advisors involved in the design of these facilities did attempt to meet the needs of these patients; however, they were limited by a design and procurement process that elevated political and operational concerns over the curative potential of these hospitals.   This dissertation also examines the role of individuals in the design of these institutions. Architect Robert Lawson was reproached for deficiencies in the curative potential of Seacliff Asylum. Similarly, medical administrator Theodore Gray has received criticism for limiting the development of New Zealand’s wider network of mental hospital care. This dissertation establishes that Lawson and Gray deserve greater recognition for their relative contributions to the architecture created, within New Zealand, for the treatment of mental illness.</p>


1963 ◽  
Vol 109 (459) ◽  
pp. 202-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. F. Paterson ◽  
A. R. Dabbs

The wording of the Mental Health Act, 1959 makes it clear that an application under Section 29 replaces both the old Urgency Order and the D.A.O.'s three-day order as a means of compulsory admission to a mental hospital or the psychiatric ward of a general hospital. It was intended to be limited to cases where the patient's mind is so acutely deranged as to make him a grave and immediate danger to himself or others, so that the delay in obtaining a second medical recommendation required for admission under Section 25 might spell disaster.


1983 ◽  
Vol 7 (8) ◽  
pp. 145-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bridgit C. Dimond

I would like to bring to light an apparent oversight in the new statutory rules relating to consent to treatment by the mentally ill and mentally handicapped. This will have very serious consequences for the management of patients who are on short-term detention orders. The provisions relating to consent to treatment set out in Part IV of the Mental Health Act 1983 are the first attempt to cover by statutory controls the doctor's clinical freedom to prescribe treatment for his compulsorily detained patient. In addition, certain of the new provisions (which take effect from 30 September 1983) apply to the voluntary patients as well.


Mental Health Act 1983 460 Mental Health Act 2007 462 Compulsory admission to hospital for assessment and treatment 464 Emergency holding powers 466 Mental Health Review Tribunals 468 The Mental Health Act Commission 470 Sexual Offences Act 472 Disability Discrimination Act 2005 474 Human Rights Act ...


1962 ◽  
Vol 108 (452) ◽  
pp. 59-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Barr ◽  
D. Golding ◽  
R. W. Parnell

The statistics on mental hospitals published by the Ministry of Health (1957) show that the average length of stay for admissions to mental hospitals decreased in the period 1952–1956. According to the Registrar-General's Mental Health Supplement (1961) there was an average saving, between 1951 and 1958, of sixteen days for men and thirteen days for women, among patients staying less than one year. But these figures for stay only relate to the patients discharged each year, irrespective of the year of their admission, and furthermore we do not know what happens to particular groups such, for example, as schizophrenics. Although remarkable changes are occurring at the present time, study of them is hampered by lack of appropriate and up-to-date information.


1996 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip M J Brinded ◽  
Faye E Grant ◽  
Jeanette E Smith

The history of the Forensic Psychiatric Institute (FPI) of British Columbia is reviewed through a description of the 3,500 remand admissions to the Institute between 1975 and 1990. Individuals charged with only minor offences and those who were certified under the Mental Health Act 1983 and subsequently had their charges stayed are examined in more detail. Results appear to suggest that these two groups are particularly vulnerable to the process of criminalization. The possible link between criminalization of the mentally ill and deinstitutionalization is explored.


1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-13
Author(s):  
Oscar E. Daly

In September 1978 the Government published a review of the Mental Health Act (1959). This review was prompted to a large degree by an increasing awareness of the rights of the mentally ill and by an awareness among psychiatrists of the limits of their management procedures. The proposals of this review were largely incorporated into the Mental Health Act (1983). Among the proposals so incorporated was one that persons could not be detained in hospital against their will for assessment or treatment “by reason only of promiscuity or other immoral conduct, sexual deviancy or dependence on alcohol or drugs”.


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