La barbarización del ejército y de la corte oriental: el matrimonio de Serena y Estilicón.

Author(s):  
Elisabet Seijo Ibáñez

On November 24th 380, Theodosius I celebrated his first aduentus in Constantinople and inaugurated a new period of the Roman Empire. Several women of his family arrived with him, and one of them was his adopted daughter Serena, who in 384 married Stilicho, a soldier born of a Roman woman and a Vandal. This union stands out as it was between a member of the imperial family and a man of barbarian origins (although Stilicho had Roman citizenship). The aim of this paper is to analyse the circumstances of the wedding and why Theodosius I allowed the nuptials.

Author(s):  
Bernhard Weisser

The Editors of this Book Requested a study of an individual city to contrast with the broader regional surveys. This contribution attempts to demonstrate the advantages of a fuller exploration of the specific context of a civic coinage by focusing on selected issues from the coinage of Pergamum— alongside Ephesus and Smyrna one of the three largest cities in the Western part of Asia Minor. In the Julio-Claudian period Pergamum’s coin designs were dominated by the imperial succession and the city’s first neocorate temple (17 BC–AD 59). In AD 59 Pergamum’s coinage stopped for more than two decades. When it resumed under Domitian (AD 83) new topics were continuously introduced until the reign of Caracalla (AD 211–17). These included gods, cults, heroes, personifications, architecture, sculpture, games, and civic titles. After Caracalla the city concentrated on a few key images, such as Asclepius or the emperor. At the same time, coin legends— especially civic titles—gained greater importance. This trend continued until the city’s coinage came to an end under Gallienus (AD 253–68). The overall range of Pergamum’s coin iconography was broadly similar to that of other cities in the East of the Roman empire. Coins of Pergamum from the imperial period fall into (at least) sixty-four issues, the most diverse of which employed twenty different coin types. In all, around 340 different types are currently known. They provide a solid base from which to explore various relationships. These include the relationship between coin obverses and reverses, as well as the place of an individual coin type within its own issue, and within the city’s coinage as a whole. Coin designs could allude to objects and events within Pergamum itself, or focus on the city’s connections with the outside world: with small neighbouring cities, with the other great cities within the province of Asia, or with Rome and the imperial family. Communication via the medium of civic coinage was in the first instance presumably directed towards the citizens of Pergamum. At the same time coinage also reflected developments outside the city. Social and geographical mobility was encouraged by an imperial system which allowed distinguished members of local elites access to the highest military and administrative posts.


Author(s):  
Joshua O'Driscoll

After the collapse of the Carolingian empire in the 880s, the east Frankish kingdom (roughly equivalent to modern-day Germany with parts of Switzerland, Belgium, and the Netherlands) experienced a period of pronounced instability in which political authority became largely decentralized in the hands of local dukes. Despite the challenges posed by crumbling political structures and repeated foreign incursions (Vikings from the north and Magyar attacks from the east), one such duke was particularly effective at building alliances and establishing stability in the region. This man, Henry I (also called Henry the Fowler), was a duke of Saxony, and his election as king of East Francia in 919 essentially established a new line of rulers that would continue to hold power in the region for more than a century. This dynasty, known as the Ottonians after their penchant for the name Otto, succeeded in transforming a kingdom into an empire by bringing northern Italy under their authority. This transformation was marked by the imperial coronation of Otto I, son of Henry I, which took place in 962 at St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome. As emperors, the Ottonians looked back not only to Imperial Rome, but also to the model established by the Carolingian empire. Just as Charlemagne and his successors cultivated learning and the production of manuscripts, so too did the Ottonians. The production of illuminated manuscripts, however, seems to have taken time to develop—picking up only toward the end of the 10th century. Unlike the Carolingians, there were never “court schools” of painting. Rather, illuminated manuscripts were produced at important monastic centers, many of which were closely tied to the imperial family. As an art-historical category, Ottonian manuscript illumination generally refers to book painting produced in the Holy Roman Empire from the mid-10th to late-11th centuries—that is, several decades after the end of the Ottonian dynasty proper, in 1024. The majority of these illuminated manuscripts are biblical or liturgical books, many of which were intended to function as gifts or as ceremonial objects to be used on high feast days. As such, painters often made extensive use of gold, purple, and other precious materials, which transformed the books into veritable treasures. Indeed, the finest examples of Ottonian illumination count among the most spectacular survivals of art from the entire Middle Ages. Traditionally, scholarly accounts of these objects have been written largely as histories of style. To a certain extent, this is due to the dearth of factual information about when and where so many of the manuscripts were created. Nevertheless, scholars have begun to approach the corpus from several different perspectives, and now that so many manuscripts have been digitized in their entirety and are freely available online, this splendid body of material is accessible to an extent that was never possible before.


1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 291-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Allen Vann

In April 1809—less than four years after Austerlitz—Austria declared war on France and entered the field as the champion of a vanquished German Empire. In their analyses of the Habsburg bid to restore the old order in the Germanies, historians have stressed certain internal developments within the Austrian Empire that made war possible: a revitalized army, a strong feeling of German nationalism, an embittered émigré lobby, and a powerful war party. This article explores the importance of the factions within the imperial family in relation to these events and points up an irony in the Austrian decision. For while the emperor Francis viewed the war as a final effort to save the dynasty, Count Philipp Stadion, his chief minister and leader of the war party, capitalized on the divergent points of view within the family to attain his own ends. His principal concern was to restore the old political order, to reverse the terms of the Treaty of Pressburg (1805), and to reconstruct the Holy Roman Empire in Germany. By skillful manipulation of ideology and dynastic ambition, he won most of the imperial princes to his side. They, in turn, persuaded the emperor to commit himself to a foreign policy that jeopardized his monarchy for the sake of a war whose diplomatic goals interested him scarcely at all.


Literator ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Dircksen

Tacitus’ portrayal of Agrippina MinorAncient historiography has more in common with the historical novel than with modem historiography. The Annals of Tacitus should be seen as an artistic, narrative text which demands active participation by the reader in the process of interpretation. A narratological analysis of Tacitus' description of the life and death of Agrippina, mother of the emperor Nero, reveals a serious ethical reflection on the atrocities committed by the imperial family. Agrippina is characterised as an exceptionally strongwilled woman who had an immense influence on the Roman Empire while she was the wife of the emperor Claudius and mother of his successor, Nero. On the other hand, her typically female character traits are accentuated from which the reader has to infer that it was precisely the fact that she was a woman which made her authoritative position intolerable.


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