A Sense of the Sacred: Roman Catholic Worship in the Middle Ages by James Monti

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 338-340
Author(s):  
Kevin Magas
1966 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heiko A. Oberman

The ever-increasing respect for Luther among Roman Catholic theologians and historians of Christian thought is not only a sign of but also a significant contributing factor to contemporary ecumenical openness — especially so in Germany. Yet at the same time we should realize that this more positive evaluation of Luther is based on the conviction that the reformer was born under the star of heresy. While it is granted that he articulated the biblical message of sin, grace and forgiveness in Christ within the context of the late medieval nominalism in which he was reared, it is exactly this context which is regarded as essentially a-catholic or even as anti-catholic to the extent that it obstructed Luther's grasp of the full and true catholic tradition in the Middle Ages. Therefore, from the very beginning, access to the specifically Catholic tradition had been denied to Luther.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-73
Author(s):  
Ottavio Palombaro

Much like how fruitful and wild branches are mixed in the same vineyard, there is a great deal of confusion when someone tries to discern the religious roots of heretical movements grown out of the Middle Ages. Two peculiar cases are often associated by confessional literature: Waldensians and Albigenses, demonized by Roman Catholic literature or romanticized by Protestant and modern Medieval fictional literature. In the quest for historical accuracy this paper intends to argue for the supremacy of certain contextual theological beliefs rather than socio-economic features alone in discerning the true nature of these movements despite their similarities and common persecution by the dominant Catholic religion. While the Albigenses reintroduced the ancient heresy of Gnosticism, the Waldensians were driven by a return to apostolic Christianity. The study also points out the need to analyze those movements beyond a one-dimensional approach in order to see the heterogeneity inside each movement, especially in their progressive evolution through time. Results point toward the need to reject an ancient origin thesis for the case of the Waldensians, whereas still allowing, in their case, a possible proto-Protestant connection.


PMLA ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-30
Author(s):  
Edwin H. Zeydel

In the vast body of medieval literature written in what is called the Germanic area of Europe—and in the Middle Ages that included parts of present-day France, Italy, Czechoslovakia, Jugoslavia, and Poland—there is an immense amount of writing in a non-vernacular language known as Medieval Latin, in German Mittellateinisch—a term not coined by Wilhelm Meyer in 1882, as Karl Langosch claimed. It was used as early as 1838 by Jacob Grimm in the epoch-making Lateinische Gedichte des X. und XI. Jahrhunderts, prepared in collaboration with Andreas Schmeller. Mittellateinisch, among other things the medium of the Roman Catholic Church, is a language apart, growing not directly out of that of Cicero and Vergil, but rather originating from the late Latinity of Antiquity in its dying stages, and under the influence of tendencies present in the vernacular tongues.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 374
Author(s):  
Steinunn Kristjánsdóttir

The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the monastic houses operated on the northernmost periphery of Roman Catholic Europe during the Middle Ages. The intention is to debunk the long-held theory of Iceland and Norse Greenland’s supposed isolation from the rest of the world, as it is clear that medieval monasticism reached both of these societies, just as it reached their counterparts elsewhere in the North Atlantic. During the Middle Ages, fourteen monastic houses were opened in Iceland and two in Norse Greenland, all following the Benedictine or Augustinian Orders.


1963 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-31
Author(s):  
Rudolf J. Ehrlich

When Hans Küng published his first major work Rechtfertigung—die Lehre Karl Barths und eine katholische Besinnung1 in 1957 great interest was aroused among Roman Catholic as well as Protestant theologians. The book represents a theological orientation which may be regarded as a new phase in the Roman Catholic encounter with Protestantism. Küng, whose orthodoxy has not been questioned by any of his Roman Catholic reviewers, argues that the Barthian and Roman doctrines of justification are in fundamental agreement. The sola fide and the simul Justus et peccator of the Reformation are, according to Küng, also Roman doctrines. Grace, he avers, is not a habitus in man but is the graciousness and favour of God. Justification is therefore primarily a matter of God ‘declaring man righteous’ and only because of this, ‘making him so’. Forgiveness and imputation of righteousness are thus given the primacy denied to them by Roman theology from the Middle Ages to the present day. Küng's Christocentrism determines his interpretation of the biblical witness: the sinner is declared and made righteous in the death and resurrection of Christ so that the sola fide is sustained in and by the sola iustitia Christi. Whether Küng's claim that the Fathers of Trent actually taught the doctrine of justification, merely shifting the emphasis from the one-sided theocentrism of the Reformation to a more biblical anthropocentrism is historically defensible, is not the point at issue in this context.


Ecclesiology ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 290-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Lane

AbstractCalvin began by affirming the Catholicity of the Church, but such positive affirmations become rarer as he grew older. By contrast, he more and more frequently rejects the claims of the Roman Church to Catholicity. The change is provoked by the barrage of claims to Catholicity that Calvin faced from his opponents, together with the claim that the Reformers had abandoned it. This made Calvin less enthusiastic about using the word for himself, thus pointing the way towards the eventual development where Catholic came to mean Roman Catholic. Calvin accepted the Catholic canon of the New Testament, though without ever explaining the basis for this. He appealed to the early Catholic tradition (most especially Augustine) for support, though he was not uncritical of it. The Church had declined from the truth during the Middle Ages and the true Church remained but had lost outward form.


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