Greeks in Turkey: Elite Nationalism and Minority Politics in Late Ottoman and Early Republican Istanbul by Dimitris Kamouzis

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 481-484
Author(s):  
Christine Philliou
2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 537-540
Author(s):  
Avner Wishnitzer

In his recent article, “Secularizing Anatolia Tick by Tick: Clock Towers in the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic,” Mehmet Bengü Uluengin makes a significant contribution to our understanding of late Ottoman and early republican clock towers. Uluengin shows that Ottoman clock towers carried “complex and seemingly contradictory layering of meanings” (p. 31). These buildings were at times associated with Christianity and with European power but were also seen as modern extensions of the Islamic institution of the muvakkit (timekeeper) or as symbols of the Ottoman government and its modernizing project. The cultural meanings associated with clock towers were fluid, concludes Uluengin, and it was the context that determined the way clock towers were interpreted.


Author(s):  
Menderes Çınar

This chapter focuses on the emergence and development of Turkish Islamism since the transition to competitive politics in 1946 after a brief review of Islamism and secularism in the late Ottoman and early republican periods. It studies the history of Turkish Islamism in three stages: its crystallization into a distinct political party organization within right-wing milieus between 1946 and 1980; its expansion, pluralization and rise in a favorably changing domestic and international context between 1980 and 1998; and, after a setback, its hegemonic renewal at the expense of democracy and authoritarian rule by a populist leader between 1998 to the present. Thematically, the chapter addresses its durability, changing ideological characteristics, social basis, political strategies, and ideological alliances. It identifies several factors shaping the fortunes and characteristics of Turkish Islamism including its relatively secular nature and integration into the political processes, favorable modification of the parameters of state secularism in Turkey, economic transformations, and global intellectual and political trends revealing the defects of Turkish democracy and secularism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 482-487
Author(s):  
Nora Elizabeth Barakat

Oymak. Al. Boy. Cemaat. Taife. Aşiret. These are the terms Ottoman officials used in imperial orders (mühimme) to describe diverse human communities linked by their mobility and externality to village administration in Ottoman Anatolia between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. In 1924, Turkish historian Ahmet Refik compiled Ottoman imperial orders concerning such communities into a volume he titled Anadolu'da Türk Aşiretleri, 966–1200 (Turkish Tribes in Anatolia, 1560–1786). His use of the term aşiret (tribe) in the title is striking, because this term was only used in 9% of the orders in his volume (23 out of 244 total). However, by the late nineteenth century and in Refik's early Republican context, aşiret had become the standard term for these rural, extra-village, mobile human communities, which he understood as similar enough to include in his painstaking effort of compilation.


2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hakan Özoğlu

The era culminating in World War I saw a transition from multinational empires to nation-states. Large empires such as the Austro-Hungarian and the Ottoman searched for ways to cope with the decline of their political control, while peoples in these empires shifted their political loyalties to nation-states. The Ottoman Empire offers a favorable canvas for studying new nationalisms that resulted in many successful and unsuccessful attempts to form nation-states. As an example of successful attempts, Arab nationalism has received the attention that it deserves in the field of Middle Eastern studies.1 Students have engaged in many complex debates on different aspects of Arab nationalism, enjoying a wealth of hard data. Studies on Kurdish nationalism, however, are still in their infancy. Only a very few scholars have addressed the issue in a scholarly manner.2 We still have an inadequate understanding of the nature of early Kurdish nationalism and its consequences for the Middle East in general and Turkish studies in particular. Partly because of the subject's political sensitivity, many scholars shy away from it. However, a consideration of Kurdish nationalism as an example of unsuccessful attempts to form a nation-state can contribute greatly to the study of nationalism in the Middle East.


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