Criminal Victimisation in Post-Conflict Settings: The Case of Democratic Republic of the Congo

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Michaela Pieterse

Land ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Clarissa Augustinus ◽  
Ombretta Tempra

According to the United Nations (UN) Refugee Agency, there were 79.5 million forcibly displaced people worldwide by the end of 2019. Evictions from homes and land are often linked to protracted violent conflict. Land administration (LA) can be a small part of UN peace-building programs addressing these conflicts. Through the lens of the UN and seven country cases, the problem being addressed is: what are the key features of fit-for-purpose land administration (FFP LA) in violent conflict contexts? FFP LA involves the same LA elements found in conventional LA and FFP LA, and LA in post conflict contexts, as it supports peace building and conflict resolution. However, in the contexts being examined, FFP LA also has novel features as well, such as extra-legal transitional justice mechanisms to protect people and their land rights and to address historical injustices and the politics of exclusion that are the root causes of conflict. In addition, there are land governance and power relations’ implications, as FFP LA is part of larger UN peace-building programs. This impacts the FFP LA design. The cases discussed are from Darfur/Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Honduras, Iraq, Jubaland/Somalia, Peru and South Sudan.



Disasters ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. S105-S120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danielle Deboutte ◽  
Tim O'Dempsey ◽  
Gillian Mann ◽  
Brian Faragher


Policy Papers ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 2004 (49) ◽  
Author(s):  

This paper provides background information to the paper “MFD Technical Assistance to Recent Post-Conflict Countries.” The paper presents case studies on eight countries: Afghanistan, Cambodia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Kosovo, Serbia, Sierra Leone, and Timor-Leste.



2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 179-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denis M. Tull

United Nations (UN) peace operations are once again at a crossroads, partly due to overstretched capacities. In the meantime, there are indications that peacekeepers face a new and perhaps less expected challenge. Over the last few years, rulers in Burundi, Chad and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have pushed through the reduction of peacekeeping personnel or forced the wholesale withdrawal of peace operations – despite the concerns of the UN. This paper explores whether there is a new hostility to peacekeeping in Africa’s weak states. What should and can the UN do if the assistance they offer in support of peace consolidation is rejected by their putative national ‘partners’, especially when the countries in question continue to face serious post-conflict challenges? Using the cases of UN missions in the DRC and South Sudan, this article examines why the well-established principle of consent of host state governments cannot any longer be taken for granted by peacekeepers. It argues that the increasing hostility towards peace operations is a function of their becoming actors in the domestic power game, as a result of their ever longer and intrusive presence.



2020 ◽  
pp. 87-111
Author(s):  
Andrey Urnov

The political, economic and strategic significance of these six African countries have made them the object of intent attention and multivector activities by the United States of America. The article is focused on the events of 2019-2020. Despite an unprecedented internal political split and the coronavirus pandemic, the US African policy was sufficiently energetic, based on traditional “pillars” and conducted as part of the course for global hegemony. The US tries to derive maximum benefits from the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where due to their interference there took place a change of presidents. The task is set to reinforce positions in Sudan and South Sudan. The provisional state power bodies are pressurized to implement the agreements on peaceful “transit to democracy”. The attempts are made to draw the new leaders of Ethiopia and Angola in the sphere of American influence. In Libya, while claiming to be “a neutral mediator”, the US intends to control the process of political settlement and to cajole the parties of the conflict into a compromise which will make the United States the dominant foreign partner of the country’s post conflict leadership.



Land ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 31 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Betge

Humanitarian and development organizations working in conflict-affected settings have a particular responsibility to do no harm and contribute to the wellbeing of the population without bias. The highly complex, politicized realities of work in conflict- and post-conflict settings often require quick, pragmatic and results-oriented decisions, the foundations of which remain frequently implicit. Such decisions might follow an intrinsic logic or situational pragmatism rather than intensive deliberation. This paper reflects on the realities of working on land governance in post-conflict settings shaped by migration, ethnic division, power struggles and limited statehood. Using case examples from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Burundi, this paper reflects on the drivers of decisions around land governance in such contexts in a structured, theoretically informed way. Drawing on the author’s own experience with supporting land rights work and utilizing Giddens’ concept of the Duality of Structure, this article provides an analysis of actors and structures that sheds light on the factors that affect the decision-making of practitioners relating to land rights in post-conflict areas of limited statehood.



Afrika Focus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Philippe Tunamsifu Shirambere

After 32 years of dictatorship regime and a decade of various armed conflicts. the newly elected DRC government in 2006 was expected to receive US$4 billion from the traditional Western donors for reconstruction and development to help cement peace. Based on the issue of the lack of trust in the public institutions, the West failed to provide its promised aid following its conditionality. Alternatively, Joseph Kabila approached China to secure his cinq chantiers. Without prior conditionality on good-governance and human rights, China agreed to provide its financial support valued at US$ 9 billion in exchange for mines. Using historical and comparative methods, findings reveal that the Chinese presence in the DRC goes back to the colonial era of the 19th century. The conditionality for financial support seems inadequate for post-conflict countries in need of reconstruction. Also, the Chinese non-interference policy as an alternative to the western approach needs to be transparent.



Afrika Focus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix A. Kaputu

Throughout the history of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, various writings – literary, sociological, and political – retrace the challenges that have faced the nation: colonialism, access to independence, postcolonial failures, wars, dictatorships and female exploitation. Some historians, sociologists, literary critics and journalists touted the successes of colonial times and the first Republic, especially those who worked for these governments. Other essential voices remained silent, in order to avoid dictatorial repression and censure, especially under President Mobutu. With the arrival of Laurent Kabila, freedom of speech brought forth discourse that slowly deteriorated into insincere rhetoric and, finally, utter silence. In Les Terrassiers de Bukavu: Nouvelles, Charles Djungu-Simba, the editor of several Bukavu Congolese novella writers, predicts that the socio- political discourse put forth in such narratives will lead to chaos followed by further repression that will continue the cycle presented all along these metanarratives unless oppression is radically addressed from the grassroots. Key words: Bukavu, violence discourse, war, apocalyptic myth, UN Forces, Democratic Republic of the Congo, novellas 



2019 ◽  
Vol 69 (8) ◽  
pp. 1278-1287 ◽  
Author(s):  
André N H Bulabula ◽  
Jenna A Nelson ◽  
Eric M Musafiri ◽  
Rhoderick Machekano ◽  
Nadia A Sam-Agudu ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Multidrug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB) jeopardizes global TB control. The prevalence and predictors of Rifampicin-resistant (RR) TB, a proxy for MDR-TB, and the treatment outcomes with standard and shortened regimens have not been assessed in post-conflict regions, such as the South Kivu province in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). We aimed to fill this knowledge gap and to inform the DRC National TB Program. Methods of adults and children evaluated for pulmonary TB by sputum smear microscopy and Xpert MTB/RIF (Xpert) from February 2012 to June 2017. Multivariable logistic regression, Kaplan–Meier estimates, and multivariable Cox regression were used to assess independent predictors of RR-TB and treatment failure/death. Results Of 1535 patients Xpert-positive for TB, 11% had RR-TB. Independent predictors of RR-TB were a positive sputum smear (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 2.42, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.63–3.59), retreatment of TB (aOR 4.92, 95% CI 2.31–10.45), and one or more prior TB episodes (aOR 1.77 per episode, 95% CI 1.01–3.10). Over 45% of RR-TB patients had no prior TB history or treatment. The median time from Xpert diagnosis to RR-TB treatment initiation was 12 days (interquartile range 3–60.2). Cures were achieved in 30/36 (83%) and 84/114 (74%) of patients on 9- vs 20/24-month MDR-TB regimens, respectively (P = .06). Predictors of treatment failure/death were the absence of directly observed therapy (DOT; adjusted hazard ratio [aHR] 2.77, 95% CI 1.2–6.66) and any serious adverse drug event (aHR 4.28, 95% CI 1.88–9.71). Conclusions Favorable RR-TB cure rates are achievable in this post-conflict setting with a high RR-TB prevalence. An expanded Xpert scale-up; the prompt initiation of shorter, safer, highly effective MDR-TB regimens; and treatment adherence support are critically needed to optimize outcomes.



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