peace operations
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2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
József Lajos Németh ◽  
Gábor Boldizsár

Since the early beginning, stability, prosperity and security have been core values for the members of the transatlantic community. Efforts have been made for reconciliation over human lives lost in war, to understand and to solve dramatic changes in societies, to rebuild economies after heavy losses in goods, and to repair and maintain destroyed basic infrastructure; these are still ongoing concerns that present periodical challenges for all participating states. Statebuilding approaches can be described in many theoretical ways, but in practice – based on historical experience – they can be either peaceful or very bloody. In order to realise unknown and extreme factors and to give them adequate answers there is an urgent need for a stable, reliable and effective system.The Hungarian Defence Forces has a long history in peace operations, however, the latest missions conducted, especially in the Balkans and in Afghanistan, provided lots of useful experience related to different statebuilding efforts. In this paper the authors explain the basic general relations between state and the military, in normal – or ideal – circumstances, illustrated – as a comparison – with different elements and factors in statebuilding efforts in case of extreme conditions such as war, failing states or even a hypocritical emergence of state-like entities.


Author(s):  
Grace Mueller ◽  
Paul F. Diehl ◽  
Daniel Druckman

Abstract Peacekeeping during the Cold War was primarily, and in some cases exclusively, charged with monitoring cease-fires. This changed significantly, as peace operations evolved to include other missions (e.g., rule of law, election supervision), many under the rubric of peacebuilding. What is lacking is consideration of how the different missions affect one another, simultaneously and in sequences. This study addresses that gap by looking at the interconnectedness of missions and their success in the UN Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), which was mandated to perform eight different missions over a decade. The article examines success or failure in each of those missions and how they relate to one another guided by theoretical logics based on the “security first” hypothesis and mission compatibility expectations. Early failure to stem the violence had negative downstream consequences for later peacebuilding missions. Nevertheless, MONUC’s election supervision mission was successful.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Avis

This rapid literature review collates evidence from academic, policy focussed and grey literature on progress on incorporating gender perspectives in peace operations since 2018, including the deployment of female peacekeepers, and the emerging issues in this field. Key messages that emerge from this review include: The focus on women’s participation in peace processes has led to several initiatives and efforts to promote increased representation, the multidimensional nature of the UN’s women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda is illustrative of the complexity of contemporary peace operations. The new and emergent issues in National Action Plans (NAP) on Women, Peace and Security. Critiques of Resolution 1325 suggest that while the resolution provides some examples of what a gender perspective means in the context of a peace agreement, it does not define what it means to apply a gender perspective to peace processes. Gender perspectives are largely absent from peace negotiations. Despite the evolution of this agenda, most contemporary peace processes are still top-down, elite-driven exercises that contribute to marginalisation and exclusion. Whilst there is high-level commitment towards the strategy and what it aims to achieve, institutional barriers, assumptions, and politics undermine its implementation. Key challenges identified in the literature, related to incorporating Gender Perspectives in Peace Operations include. Buy-in from leadership, Mandate and context, Gender and expertise, Terminology, Under-representation of women in peacekeeping. Meaningful participation, Gap between norms and provisions, and Practical/logistical/training issues in implementing the WPS agenda.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e58831
Author(s):  
Letícia Rizzotti Lima

O humanitarismo multidimensional da ONU é constantemente atingido por crises institucionais, marcadas por fraturas de legitimidade e limites orçamentários. Este artigo explora as questões-chave desses momentos a partir das reformas administrativas levadas a cabo em resposta às essas tensões. As reestruturações do pilar de paz e segurança são um mecanismo fundamental de articulação do Secretariado para contornar entraves políticos do CSNU e estabeleceram um padrão significativo de envernizamento tecnocrático das atividades encampadas nas operações de paz. Assim, conclui-se que esse padrão foi reciclado ao longo das últimas três décadas, sedimentando o largo rol multidimensional. Atualmente, esse modelo é contestado justamente por sua extensão e tendo como principal tendência emergente o eixo de estabilização. Palavras-chave: Humanitarismo Multidimensional; ONU; Reformas Administrativas.ABSTRACTUN’s multidimensional humanitarianism constantly subject of institutional crises, characterized by legitimacy fractures and budget limits. This paper explores the key-issues of these events shedding light to the administrative reforms carried out in response to these tensions. The restructuring of the peace and security pillar is a crucial articulation mechanism of the Secretariat to overcome the UNSC's political blockages and it has established a significant pattern of technocratic varnishing on the activities undertaken in peace operations. Thus, we concluded that this pattern has been recycled over the last three decades, consolidating the wide multidimensional scope. Currently, this model is contested precisely because of its extension and its main emerging trend is the stabilization axis.Keywords: Multidimensional Humanitarianism; UN; Administrative Reforms. Recebido em: 02/04/2021 | Aceito em: 24/08/2021. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Sophie Maarleveld

<p>This thesis explores an important aspect of the changing composition of United Nations peacekeeping troop contributions by examining the causes of the decline in troop contributions from the West. It does so by creating a theoretical framework within which the widespread decline in troop contributions from the West can be contextualized and reviewing a variety of possible arguments in secondary literature for the decline that can be considered within this theoretical framework. I assert that the constructivist concept of security communities, although originally focused on interactions between states in the community, can also be used to understand the ways in which these states respond to peace and security threats outside of the community, and that this is the reason there has been a systemic decline in troop contributions from the West.  The past, current and future peacekeeping engagements of Canada and New Zealand will be explored in detail in this thesis. These countries have historically had a strong commitment to the UN, and been champions of its ultimate authority to sanction international responses to conflict. Both countries have a history of significant troops contributions to UN peacekeeping, but have decreased these contributions in the last 10-15 years. Understanding why these two internationalists all but abandoned UN peacekeeping can provide clues as to why other Western militaries have done the same, and concentrated their resources in other peace support operations. These cases also exemplify how the security community concept can be applied to understanding troop contributions to peace operations.  This thesis is divided into four main sections. In the introduction I present the research question and discuss its relevance and importance, as well as the salience of the two case studies, followed by the explanation of my theoretical framework, a review of secondary literature on the topic, and the details of my research methodology. In chapter one I explore a variety of arguments that have been made by academics and practitioners regarding the decline in troop contributions from the West. Chapter two covers my first case study – Canada – and chapter three covers New Zealand.  I argue that although the factors that determine countries’ troop contributions are unique and shaped by domestic as much as international circumstances, the wider trend in the West of decreasing troop contributions to UN peacekeeping missions, while increasing troop contributions to non-UN peacekeeping operations can be explained by building on the security community concept. As such, any return to UN peacekeeping is likely to occur throughout the West or not at all. I also argue that in order for the West to re-engage with UN peacekeeping, both Western governments and the UN must take steps towards redefining the parameters of troop participation in UN peace operations.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Sophie Maarleveld

<p>This thesis explores an important aspect of the changing composition of United Nations peacekeeping troop contributions by examining the causes of the decline in troop contributions from the West. It does so by creating a theoretical framework within which the widespread decline in troop contributions from the West can be contextualized and reviewing a variety of possible arguments in secondary literature for the decline that can be considered within this theoretical framework. I assert that the constructivist concept of security communities, although originally focused on interactions between states in the community, can also be used to understand the ways in which these states respond to peace and security threats outside of the community, and that this is the reason there has been a systemic decline in troop contributions from the West.  The past, current and future peacekeeping engagements of Canada and New Zealand will be explored in detail in this thesis. These countries have historically had a strong commitment to the UN, and been champions of its ultimate authority to sanction international responses to conflict. Both countries have a history of significant troops contributions to UN peacekeeping, but have decreased these contributions in the last 10-15 years. Understanding why these two internationalists all but abandoned UN peacekeeping can provide clues as to why other Western militaries have done the same, and concentrated their resources in other peace support operations. These cases also exemplify how the security community concept can be applied to understanding troop contributions to peace operations.  This thesis is divided into four main sections. In the introduction I present the research question and discuss its relevance and importance, as well as the salience of the two case studies, followed by the explanation of my theoretical framework, a review of secondary literature on the topic, and the details of my research methodology. In chapter one I explore a variety of arguments that have been made by academics and practitioners regarding the decline in troop contributions from the West. Chapter two covers my first case study – Canada – and chapter three covers New Zealand.  I argue that although the factors that determine countries’ troop contributions are unique and shaped by domestic as much as international circumstances, the wider trend in the West of decreasing troop contributions to UN peacekeeping missions, while increasing troop contributions to non-UN peacekeeping operations can be explained by building on the security community concept. As such, any return to UN peacekeeping is likely to occur throughout the West or not at all. I also argue that in order for the West to re-engage with UN peacekeeping, both Western governments and the UN must take steps towards redefining the parameters of troop participation in UN peace operations.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Margaret Behrend

<p>Peace operations from the 1990s have increasingly been driven by the assumption that conflict and social unrest can be ‘solved’ through the establishment and support of liberal structures. Known academically as liberal peace, this approach advocates the liberalisation of politics and economics, and the establishment of rule of law and international human rights norms, claiming such liberal structures offer the necessary foundation to lasting peace. This claim has become unquestioned logic for many of the international bodies and individual actors that participate in the peace industry and has led to a standardised approach to post-conflict situations. However, is this “peacebuilding consensus” justified? Does liberal peace foster sustainable peace? This thesis interrogates the concept and application of liberal peace to assess the extent to which liberal peacebuilding delivers on its claims and provides the foundations of sustainable peace. Due to the enormous size of such a project and the limitations of this thesis, I focus on one case study in my analysis of the liberal peace approach – East Timor. Relying on a single example of peacebuilding allows for a more in depth discussion of efforts, however, it is insufficient to draw broader conclusions about liberal peace. This body of research, therefore, is intended to contribute to existing academic work that evaluates liberal peace. Where this thesis deviates from existing research, however, is in the application of an immanent critique to assess liberal peacebuilding in East Timor...</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Margaret Behrend

<p>Peace operations from the 1990s have increasingly been driven by the assumption that conflict and social unrest can be ‘solved’ through the establishment and support of liberal structures. Known academically as liberal peace, this approach advocates the liberalisation of politics and economics, and the establishment of rule of law and international human rights norms, claiming such liberal structures offer the necessary foundation to lasting peace. This claim has become unquestioned logic for many of the international bodies and individual actors that participate in the peace industry and has led to a standardised approach to post-conflict situations. However, is this “peacebuilding consensus” justified? Does liberal peace foster sustainable peace? This thesis interrogates the concept and application of liberal peace to assess the extent to which liberal peacebuilding delivers on its claims and provides the foundations of sustainable peace. Due to the enormous size of such a project and the limitations of this thesis, I focus on one case study in my analysis of the liberal peace approach – East Timor. Relying on a single example of peacebuilding allows for a more in depth discussion of efforts, however, it is insufficient to draw broader conclusions about liberal peace. This body of research, therefore, is intended to contribute to existing academic work that evaluates liberal peace. Where this thesis deviates from existing research, however, is in the application of an immanent critique to assess liberal peacebuilding in East Timor...</p>


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