scholarly journals Acquisition of Turkish demonstrative pronouns in children

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meltem Muşlu
Keyword(s):  
Demonstrative Pronouns

scholarly journals An Event-Related Brain Potential (ERP) Study of Complex Anaphora in Spanish

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrián García-Sierra ◽  
Juan Silva-Pereyra ◽  
Graciela Catalina Alatorre-Cruz ◽  
Noelle Wig
Keyword(s):  
Sentence Processing ◽  
Short Term Memory ◽  
Event Related Potentials ◽  
Cognitive Resources ◽  
Brain Potential ◽  
Single Entity ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns ◽  
Frontal Negativity ◽  
Related Potentials ◽  
Anterior Negativity

This study examines the event- related brain potential (ERP) of 25 Mexican monolingual Spanish-speakers when reading Spanish sentences with single entity anaphora or complex anaphora. Complex anaphora is an expression that refer to propositions, states, facts or events while, a single entity anaphora is an expression that refers back to a concrete object. Here we compare the cognitive cost in processing a single entity anaphora [éstafeminine; La renuncia (resignation)] from a complex anaphora [estoneuter; La renuncia fue aceptada (The resignation was accepted)]. Ésta elicited a larger positive peak at 200 ms, and esto elicited a larger frontal negativity around 400 ms. The positivity resembles the P200 component, and its amplitude is thought to represent an interaction between predictive qualities in sentence processing (i.e., graphical similarity and frequency of occurrence). Unlike parietal negativities (typical N400), frontal negativities are thought to represent the ease by which pronouns are linked with its antecedent, and how easy the information is recovered from short-term memory. Thus, the complex anaphora recruited more cognitive resources than the single entity anaphora. We also included an ungrammatical control sentence [éstemasculine; La renuncia (resignation)] to better understand the unique processes behind complex anaphoric resolution, as opposed to just general difficulty in sentence processing. In this case, event-related potentials (ERPs) elicited by éstemasculine and éstafeminine were compared. Again, ésta elicited a larger P200. However, different from the experimental condition, a left anterior negativity (LAN) effect was observed for éste; the ungrammatical condition. Altogether, the present research provides electrophysiological evidence indicating that demonstrative pronouns with different morphosyntactic features (i.e., gender) and discourse parameters (i.e., single entity or complex referent) interact during the first stage of anaphoric processing of anaphora. This stage initiated as early as 200 milliseconds after the pronoun onset and probably ends around 400 ms.

scholarly journals Reference determination for demonstrative pronouns

2007 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 39-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Bosch ◽  
Carla Umbach
Keyword(s):  
Structural Properties ◽  
Reading Time ◽  
Current Paper ◽  
Relevant Parameter ◽  
Personal Pronouns ◽  
Corpus Study ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Reference Determination

This paper discusses results from a corpus study of German demonstrative and personal pronouns and from a reading time experiment in which we compared the interpretation options of the two types of pronouns (Bosch et al. 2003, 2007). A careful review of exceptions to a generalisation we had been suggesting in those papers (the Subject Hypothesis: "Personal pronouns prefer subject antecedents and demonstratives prefer non-subject antecedents") shows that, although this generalisation correctly describes a tendency in the data, it is quite wrong in claiming that the grammatical role of antecedents is the relevant parameter. In the current paper we argue that the generalisation should be formulated in terms of in-formation-structural properties of referents rather than in terms of the grammatical role of antecedent expressions.  

scholarly journals Optimality Analysis of Vowel Harmony in ÀÍKA

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Ibikunle Abiodun Samuel
Keyword(s):  
Problem Solving ◽  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Vowel Harmony ◽  
Morphological Effect ◽  
Subject Pronouns ◽  
Non Linear ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Object Pronouns

This paper gives an Optimality Theory (Henceforth OT) account of advanced tongue root (ATR) vowel harmony in ÀÍKAan Edoid language that consists of four speech forms spoken in Akoko-Edo area in Nigeria. The ATR harmony manifests within as well as across morpheme boundaries. The ATR harmony across morphemes affects the subject pronouns, prefixes as well as demonstrative pronouns because they are underspecified for ATR value while object pronouns are underlyingly specified. It is further noted that ATR has a morphological effect on the items it affects as it triggers phonological allomorphy in them. In addition to right-to-left spreading analysis in the literature (Abiodun 1999, Ibikunle 2014, and 2016), this research further reveals that there are pieces of evidence for left-to-right spreading of harmonic value. More importantly, this analysis shows that OT is viable and problem-solving efficient compared with the Non-Linear or traditional generative account on Vowel Harmony system of the language.  

Non-Propositional Evidentiality

2018 ◽  
pp. 108-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guillaume Jacques
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns

This chapter deals with non-propositional evidentiality, i.e. evidential-like distinctions on markers whose scope is limited to a noun phrase. First, it presents the different types of non-propositional evidential markers, the most common of which are demonstrative pronouns and determiners. Second, it shows how non-propositional evidential markers can encode morphosyntactic parameters such as case or topicality in addition to evidentiality. Then, it describes attested non-propositional evidential categories, focusing on sensory (visual, auditory, non-visual) evidentials, as non-sensory non-propositional evidentials are extremely rare. Finally, it discusses how non-propositional evidentiality and nominal tense can interact in some languages and presents some general observations on commonalities and differences between propositional and non-propositional evidential systems.

The Overlapping Distribution of Personal and Demonstrative Pronouns

Reference ◽  
2008 ◽  
pp. 143-175
Author(s):  
Donna K. Byron ◽  
Sarah Brown-Schmidt ◽  
Michael K. Tanenhaus
Keyword(s):  
Demonstrative Pronouns

Headless Relative Clauses in Sierra Popoluca

2021 ◽  
pp. 475-508
Author(s):  
Wendy López Márquez
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
The State ◽  
Productive System ◽  
Free Relative ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns ◽  
Interrogative Clauses ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Sierra Popoluca

This chapter presents the first investigation of headless relative clauses in Sierra Popoluca, a Mixe-Zoquean language spoken in the southern part of the state of Veracruz, Mexico. It shows that Sierra Popoluca exhibits a very productive system of headless relative clauses. The language has free relative clauses of all three major types attested crosslinguistically and, remarkably, all three types can be introduced by almost all the wh-words that can occur in wh- interrogative clauses. It also has two types of light-headed relative clauses, both with demonstrative pronouns as their “light heads”: those which are introduced by a relative subordinator and those that are introduced by wh-words—the same two strategies attested in headed relative clauses in Sierra Popoluca. Finally, the language has one more variety of headless relative clause that lacks both a light head and a wh-word.

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