Reconstruction of the Proto-Ch’olan demonstrative pronouns, deictic enclitics, and definite articles

2009 ◽  
Vol 107 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-129
Author(s):  
David F. Mora-Marín
2014 ◽  
pp. 65-74
Author(s):  
Ludmila Dimitrova ◽  
Radovan Garabík

Translation equivalence of demonstrative pronouns in Bulgarian-Slovak parallel textsIn this paper we describe our automatic analysis of several parallel Bulgarian-Slovak texts with the goal to obtain useful information about Slovak translation equivalents of (definite) articles and demonstrative pronouns in Bulgarian. Rather than focusing on individual translation equivalents, we present a method for automatic extraction and visualization of the translations. This can serve as a guide for pinpointing interesting features in specific translated documents and could be extended for other parts of speech or otherwise identifiable textual units.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Zaidan Ali Jassem

This paper traces the Arabic origins or cognates of the “definite articles” in English and Indo-European languages from a radical linguistic (or lexical root) theory perspective. The data comprises the definite articles in English, German, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Romanian, Latin, Greek, Macedonian, Russian, Polish, Sanskrit, Hindi, Bengali, Persian, and Arabic. The results clearly indicate that five different types of such articles emerged in the data, all of which have true Arabic cognates with the same or similar forms and meanings, whose differences are due to natural and plausible causes and different routes of linguistic change, especially lexical, semantic, or morphological shift. Therefore, the results support the adequacy of the radical linguistic theory according to which, unlike the Family Tree Model or Comparative Method, Arabic, English, German, French, Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit not only belong to the same language family, renamed Eurabian or Urban family, but also are dialects of the same language, with Arabic being their origin all because only it shares the whole cognates with them all and because it has a huge phonetic, morphological, grammatical, and lexical variety. They also manifest fundamental flaws and grave drawbacks which plague English and Indo-European lexicography for ignoring Arabic as an ultimate ancestor and progenitor not only in the treatment of the topic at hand but in all others in general. On a more general level, they also show that there is a radical language from which all human languages stemmed and which has been preserved almost intact in Arabic, thus being the most conservative and productive language


Author(s):  
Carrie Gillon ◽  
Nicole Rosen

This chapter focuses on the article system in Michif. Articles are particularly problematic for the French DP/Plains Cree VP split posited for Michif (Bakker 1997). Despite being French-derived, the Michif articles do not behave like their French counterparts. Michif definite articles occupy a lower position within the DP than French definite articles do, and Michif lacks definiteness, despite having borrowed both the definite and indefinite articles. Even more problematically, the singular definite articles are used to Algonquianize non-Algonquian vocabulary—both within the DP and the VP. Thus, a piece of French morphosyntax has been appropriated to create structures that can be interpreted within Algonquian syntax, providing more evidence that ultimately the Michif DP is Algonquian, rather than French.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrián García-Sierra ◽  
Juan Silva-Pereyra ◽  
Graciela Catalina Alatorre-Cruz ◽  
Noelle Wig

This study examines the event- related brain potential (ERP) of 25 Mexican monolingual Spanish-speakers when reading Spanish sentences with single entity anaphora or complex anaphora. Complex anaphora is an expression that refer to propositions, states, facts or events while, a single entity anaphora is an expression that refers back to a concrete object. Here we compare the cognitive cost in processing a single entity anaphora [éstafeminine; La renuncia (resignation)] from a complex anaphora [estoneuter; La renuncia fue aceptada (The resignation was accepted)]. Ésta elicited a larger positive peak at 200 ms, and esto elicited a larger frontal negativity around 400 ms. The positivity resembles the P200 component, and its amplitude is thought to represent an interaction between predictive qualities in sentence processing (i.e., graphical similarity and frequency of occurrence). Unlike parietal negativities (typical N400), frontal negativities are thought to represent the ease by which pronouns are linked with its antecedent, and how easy the information is recovered from short-term memory. Thus, the complex anaphora recruited more cognitive resources than the single entity anaphora. We also included an ungrammatical control sentence [éstemasculine; La renuncia (resignation)] to better understand the unique processes behind complex anaphoric resolution, as opposed to just general difficulty in sentence processing. In this case, event-related potentials (ERPs) elicited by éstemasculine and éstafeminine were compared. Again, ésta elicited a larger P200. However, different from the experimental condition, a left anterior negativity (LAN) effect was observed for éste; the ungrammatical condition. Altogether, the present research provides electrophysiological evidence indicating that demonstrative pronouns with different morphosyntactic features (i.e., gender) and discourse parameters (i.e., single entity or complex referent) interact during the first stage of anaphoric processing of anaphora. This stage initiated as early as 200 milliseconds after the pronoun onset and probably ends around 400 ms.


2007 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 39-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Bosch ◽  
Carla Umbach

This paper discusses results from a corpus study of German demonstrative and personal pronouns and from a reading time experiment in which we compared the interpretation options of the two types of pronouns (Bosch et al. 2003, 2007). A careful review of exceptions to a generalisation we had been suggesting in those papers (the Subject Hypothesis: "Personal pronouns prefer subject antecedents and demonstratives prefer non-subject antecedents") shows that, although this generalisation correctly describes a tendency in the data, it is quite wrong in claiming that the grammatical role of antecedents is the relevant parameter. In the current paper we argue that the generalisation should be formulated in terms of in-formation-structural properties of referents rather than in terms of the grammatical role of antecedent expressions.  


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document