6 A Colonial Order

Central Asia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 96-113
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 354-364
Author(s):  
Kahente Horn-Miller

In the fall of 2016, the Kahnawà:ke Community Decision Making Process revised the Kahnawà:ke Law on Membership regarding adoption. It was decided that any non-Indigenous child adopted by a Kahnawà:ke family after 2003 would not be recognized as a Kanien’kehá:ka of Kahnawà:ke or an approved resident. Parents were committing an offense in adopting non-Indigenous children and would no longer be eligible to reside in Kahnawà:ke. This decision drew national and international attention, with some questioning the logic of targeting a practice so integral to many Indigenous legal orders. This article frames Rotinonhsiónni adoption, belonging, and identity formation beyond the confines of colonial thought. This might seem like a tall order given colonialism’s all-encompassing grasp on Indigenous minds and communities; indeed, we are all entangled in the colonial order. But there is a way to challenge this by moving beyond frameworks reliant on colonial control.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Kienscherf

This article argues that US policing ends up maintaining and reinforcing substantive intersecting racial and class divisions, precisely because of its avowed formal neutrality. The article is divided into two main sections. The first section sets up a theoretical apparatus for conceptualising the seeming contradiction between general and specific social control. This section argues that US policing has a colonial genealogy but now serves to reproduce a neo-colonial order characterised by both formal legal equality and substantive racial and class inequalities. Moreover, this section shows that the transition from a colonial to a neo-colonial order has been effected by a change in policing’s strategic focus from classical colonial pacification to liberal pacification, which combines coercion with developmentalism. Through a genealogy of US policing, the second section will demonstrate empirically how US policing’s shift towards a strategy of liberal pacification has enabled and continues to facilitate the (re)production of a neo-colonial social order. Since this genealogical section covers quite a long historical period, it will primarily draw on secondary sources. By developing a more nuanced and finely grained policing-as-pacification model that highlights both the colonial genealogy and the contemporary neo-colonial ontology of US policing, this article helps us better understand how and why formally neutral law enforcement ends up producing and reproducing racial and class divisions.


Author(s):  
Stanislav Malkin

The Interbellum era was marked by the competition of various interpretations of guerrilla warfare and small wars, which were a practical expression of rebel activity in the colonies and on the outskirts of the British Empire. Discussions in that regard reflected both theoretical and doctrinal contradictions and the bureaucratic rivalry between the departments responsible for its internal security and the confrontation between the military and civilian authorities over the boundaries of their responsibility to preserve colonial order. The evolution of the meaning of the concept of “guerilla warfare” within the British military thought in the first half of the 20th century is demonstrated by highlighting the stages of the process, historical reconstruction of the levels of discussion of this topic in a professional environment, and identifying the degree of mutual influence of its basic provisions in the face of budgetary constraints and new challenges to colonial rule after the First World War. This approach allowed to specify ideas about the place and role of the army in the functioning of the internal security system of the British Empire at the final stage of its existence. The analysis of the semantics and content of the “guerilla warfare” concept between two world wars makes it possible to apply a new approach to the issue of disagreements between the military and civilian authorities over the choice of the military and political course in the conflicts of this kind. Thus, the identified differences may be viewed as a result not of the bureaucratic differences only, but as the absence of the unified understanding of the “modern rebellion” problem among the military as itself.


2019 ◽  
pp. 74-97
Author(s):  
Marie Muschalek

This chapter approaches practices of everyday violence through the lens of its material instruments. Three tools are examined in depth: the whip, the shackle, and the gun. Their specific use emerged as improvised responses to contextual constraints, refining ideological discourses and official policy along the way. The chapter reveals that violent technologies of policing were parceled out according to the system of status hierarchy that defined colonial order. Under what circumstances they were used, and how, were more important as a matter of social distinction than efficient practice. Symbolically, who used what tools in what situations clarified hierarchy, for instance in the general ban on Africans owning guns. Moreover, the expert or approved use of tools—professionalism—could also serve as a marker of social distinction that elevated the policemen, Africans included, above other colonial actors, such as settlers. This chapter offers a first substantiation of the thesis that police praxis drove legal rationalization. As the cases of corporal punishment and of weapons usage against fleeing subjects illustrate, policemen manufactured procedures that police headquarters reluctantly yet gradually accepted as the rule.


Deadly Virtue ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 62-85
Author(s):  
Heather Martel

Protestants at first expressed kinship with Indigenous people also subjugated by the Spanish, seeking an alliance initiated by an agent of Fort Caroline with a neighboring Indigenous King Houstaqua. Identifying as refugees caused the French leader Laudonnière to lie to his superiors, including Indigenous leader King Saturiwa, but especially to his patrons in France, by concealing his dependence on Indigenous kings, as well as relationships with Indigenous people that might cause identity issues. This chapter will develop this analysis through a broader look at French Protestant relations of power, dependence, and the contagion of identity, as played out with Indigenous people and in the Fort Caroline colonial order, including several mutinies among the French and a hostage crisis and war with Indigenous people.


Author(s):  
Claire Ducournau

Literary recognition comprises a good part of the fourth volume of Les Lieux de mémoire, published in 1986. This essay proposes a postcolonial revisiting of literary institutions such as the Académie française or scholarly classics previously addressed in this volume – according to both the chronological and adversarial meanings of the term ‘postcolonial’. It reevaluates the status of those territories that were politically dominated outside the borders of the Hexagon within such realms of literary heritagization by expanding the edges of the nation as it had been envisioned. The French literary canon is home to a range of authors who accepted the colonial order as something that was not to be questioned, and even that should be vigorously defended, but also to writers who were inhabitants of (formerly) colonized territories. The marks of literary prestige obtained by authors from (ex)imperial territories, from the award of a Goncourt Prize to election to the Collège de France, are often determined by decisive conditions, such as the place of publication of literary works, the cultural resources of these writers, and the wider French political environment. This essay highlights the existence of silences and instances of marginalization in national literary heritage, as well as long-term demonstrations of resistance in the face of this colonial or neocolonial order.


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