scholarly journals Je ll’ai vu: Perception-driven allomorphic optimization of French l’

Probus ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-66
Author(s):  
Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho
Keyword(s):  
Boundary Shift ◽  
Subject Pronoun ◽  
Object Pronouns

AbstractThis article aims to explain the optional gemination in the elided form of the French 3rdp. object pronounsleandla, i.e. before vowel, as in [ʒəllɛvy] forje l’ai vu(e)‘I saw him/her/it’. This geminate, which cannot be accounted for in purely phonological terms, is shown to follow from a boundary shift within the morphological sequence /il+lə/la+V/, providing the 3rdp. object pronouns with a new geminate allomorph before vowel; thereby, /ll/ can spread to the entire paradigm. It is argued (a) that the resulting allomorphy is the strategy found by speakers to eliminate the irregular allomorphy of the 3rdp. subject pronounilbefore consonant; (b) that a perception grammar is needed to capture the reasons for the new allomorphy.

The grammaticalization of object pronouns: Why differential object indexing is an attractor state

Linguistics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 781-818 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Haig
Keyword(s):  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Attractor State ◽  
Language Typology ◽  
Subject Pronouns ◽  
Subject Pronoun ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Object Agreement ◽  
Person Agreement ◽  
Object Indexing ◽  
Object Pronouns

Abstract While the grammaticalization of person agreement is a widely-cited and apparently uncontroversial topos of grammaticalization theory, the striking differences in the outcome of subject pronoun, and object pronoun grammaticalization, remain unexplained, and the relevant literature continues to assume a unified grammaticalization pathway. This paper argues that the grammaticalization of object pronouns is fundamentally different to that of subject pronouns. More specifically, although object pronouns may be rapid early grammaticalizers, often losing prosodic independence and cliticizing to a verbal head, they do not advance further to reach the stage of obligatory agreement markers typical of subject agreement. Typically, object markers remain at the stage of Differential Object Indexing, where their realization is conditioned by a bundle of semantic and pragmatic factors exhibiting close parallels to those operative in Differential Object Marking. Evidence from language typology, and from the diachrony of person markers across two millennia of Iranian languages, is adduced to back up these claims. Thus the widely-assumed grammaticalization cline for the grammaticalization of agreement needs to be reconsidered; for object agreement, there is evidently an attractor state, that of Differential Object Indexing, beyond which object agreement seldom proceeds. Finally, explanations grounded in discourse data are proposed, which also account for why obligatory object agreement in the category of person is so rare, while gender and number agreement for objects is far less constrained.

scholarly journals Categories and Frequency: Cognition Verbs in Spanish Subject Expression

Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 126
Author(s):  
Catherine E. Travis ◽  
Rena Torres Cacoullos
Keyword(s):  
High Frequency ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
Variable Structure ◽  
Semantic Classes ◽  
Variation Patterns ◽  
Subject Pronoun ◽  
Subject Expression ◽  
Linguistic Categories ◽  
Analysis Of Variation ◽  
New Evidence

Are semantic classes of verbs genuine or do they merely mask idiosyncrasies of frequent verbs? Here, we examine the interplay between semantic classes and frequent verb-form combinations, providing new evidence from variation patterns in spontaneous speech that linguistic categories are centered on high frequency members to which other members are similar. We offer an account of the well-known favoring effect of cognition verbs on Spanish subject pronoun expression by considering the role of high-frequency verbs (e.g., creer ‘think’ and saber ‘know’) and particular expressions ((yo) creo ‘I think’, (yo) no sé ‘I don’t know’). Analysis of variation in nearly 3000 tokens of unexpressed and pronominal subjects in conversational data replicates well-established predictors, but highlights that the cognition verb effect is really one of 1sg cognition verbs. In addition, particular expressions stand out for their high frequency relative to their component parts (for (yo) creo, proportion of lexical type, and proportion of pronoun). Further analysis of 1sg verbs with frequent expressions as fixed effects reveals shared patterns with other cognition verbs, including an association with non-coreferential contexts. Thus, classes can be identified by variation constraints and contextual distributions that are shared among class members and are measurably different from those of the more general variable structure. Cognition verbs in variable Spanish subject expression form a class anchored in lexically particular constructions.

scholarly journals ONLINE PRONOUN RESOLUTION IN L2 DISCOURSE: L1 Influence and General Learner Effects

2008 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leah Roberts ◽  
Marianne Gullberg ◽  
Peter Indefrey
Keyword(s):  
First Language ◽  
Pronoun Resolution ◽  
Subject Pronouns ◽  
Online Processing ◽  
L2 Processing ◽  
Overt Pronouns ◽  
L2 Learners ◽  
L1 Influence ◽  
Final Interpretation ◽  
Subject Pronoun

This study investigates whether advanced second language (L2) learners of a nonnull subject language (Dutch) are influenced by their null subject first language (L1) (Turkish) in their offline and online resolution of subject pronouns in L2 discourse. To tease apart potential L1 effects from possible general L2 processing effects, we also tested a group of German L2 learners of Dutch who were predicted to perform like the native Dutch speakers. The two L2 groups differed in their offline interpretations of subject pronouns. The Turkish L2 learners exhibited a L1 influence, because approximately half the time they interpreted Dutch subject pronouns as they would overt pronouns in Turkish, whereas the German L2 learners performed like the Dutch controls, interpreting pronouns as coreferential with the current discourse topic. This L1 effect was not in evidence in eye-tracking data, however. Instead, the L2 learners patterned together, showing an online processing disadvantage when two potential antecedents for the pronoun were grammatically available in the discourse. This processing disadvantage was in evidence irrespective of the properties of the learners' L1 or their final interpretation of the pronoun. Therefore, the results of this study indicate both an effect of the L1 on the L2 in offline resolution and a general L2 processing effect in online subject pronoun resolution.

scholarly journals A Variationist Study of Subject Pronoun Expression in Medellín, Colombia

Languages ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Rafael Orozco ◽  
Luz Marcela Hurtado
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Random Effect ◽  
Routine Activities ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Functional Categories ◽  
Lexical Effect ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
Baseline Knowledge ◽  
Subject Pronoun ◽  
Reflexive Verbs

This variationist study of subject pronoun expression (SPE) in Medellín, Colombia uses multivariate regressions to probe the effects of ten predictors on 4623 tokens from the Proyecto para el Estudio Sociolingüístico del Español de España y de América (PRESEEA) corpus. We implement analytical innovations by exploring transitivity and the lexical effect of the verb, which we analyze by testing infinitives and subject pronoun + verb collocations, respectively, as standalone, random-effect factors. Our results reveal the highest pronominal rate (28%) found in a mainland Spanish-speaking community. Additionally, we uncover that pronominal rates increase with age, a finding which appears to have cognitive implications. The internal conditioning contributes to pronombrista studies by showing the effects of discourse type and transitivity. Narratives and opinion statements favor overt subjects, but statements indicating routine activities favor null subjects. Whereas unergative verbs promote overt subjects, reflexive verbs favor null subjects. The lexical effect of the verb reveals opposing tendencies between verbs in the same category as well as within different collocations of the same verb, providing more definitive answers than the semantically guided approaches used for the last four decades and showing that verb groupings do not constitute functional categories with regard to SPE. Overall, this study contributes to expand our baseline knowledge of SPE in mainland Latin American communities and opens interesting research avenues.

Discourse conditions on subject pronoun realization: Testing the linguistic intuitions of older bilingual children

Lingua ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 119 (3) ◽  
pp. 460-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonella Sorace ◽  
Ludovica Serratrice ◽  
Francesca Filiaci ◽  
Michela Baldo
Keyword(s):  
Bilingual Children ◽  
Subject Pronoun ◽  
Linguistic Intuitions

scholarly journals Permafrost Boundary Shift in Western Siberia May Not Modify Dissolved Nutrient Concentrations in Rivers

Water ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (12) ◽  
pp. 985 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey Vorobyev ◽  
Oleg Pokrovsky ◽  
Svetlana Serikova ◽  
Rinat Manasypov ◽  
Ivan Krickov ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Western Siberia ◽  
Nutrient Concentrations ◽  
Boundary Shift

The null generic subject pronoun in Finnish: a case of incorporation in T

2010 ◽  
pp. 200-230
Author(s):  
Theresa Biberauer ◽  
Anders Holmberg ◽  
Ian Roberts ◽  
Michelle Sheehan
Keyword(s):  
Subject Pronoun

scholarly journals Variable subject pronoun expression revisited: This is what the Paisas do

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 713
Author(s):  
Rafael Orozco ◽  
Luz Marcela Hurtado
Keyword(s):  
Null Subjects ◽  
Lexical Effect ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Subject Pronoun ◽  
Conditioning Effect ◽  
Cognitive Verbs ◽  
Effect Of Age

We explore subject pronoun expression (SPE) in Medellín, Colombia using 4,623 tokens to test eight predictors. The 28% overall pronominal rate found is significantly higher than those in other mainland communities. Grammatical person exerts the greatest conditioning effect, with uno ‘one’ strongly favoring overt subjects. Findings for verb class reveal that speech and cognitive verbs promote overt subjects. However, our in-depth analysis unveils opposing tendencies between different pronominal subject + verb collocations for the same verb. E.g., whereas (yo) soy ‘I am’ strongly favors overt subjects, (ellos) son ‘they are’ favors null subjects. These findings suggest that analyses focusing on infinitives do not constitute the most accurate way to explore verb effects on SPE. Moreover, the effect of age reveals a low pronominal rate among the youngest speakers, a finding that appears to have cognitive and acquisitional implications, as younger speakers would be expected to have higher pronominal rates. In general, this study contributes to expand our knowledge of SPE. Further, the findings regarding age and the lexical effect of the verb open promising research paths.

scholarly journals Efeitos de animacidade do antecedente na resolução de pronomes sujeito

2018 ◽  
pp. 190-205
Author(s):  
Sara Morgado ◽  
Paula Luegi ◽  
Maria Lobo
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Information ◽  
Pronoun Resolution ◽  
Reading Task ◽  
Object Position ◽  
European Portuguese ◽  
Overt Pronoun ◽  
Syntactic Information ◽  
Subject Pronoun ◽  
Multifactorial Approach

We report two experiments, a self-paced reading task and an off-line questionnaire, that tested if the overt subject pronoun in European Portuguese was sensitive to the animacy (animate vs. inanimate) of the antecedent in object position. We found higher reading times when the overt pronoun was forced to retrieve an inanimate antecedent compared to retrieving an animate one (Experiment 1) and less object choices with inanimate antecedents (compared to animate ones). Our findings show that several factors are taken into account during the resolution of pronominal forms, including animacy features, favouring thus a multifactorial approach to pronoun retrieval (Kaiser & Trueswell, 2008). We propose that there is a hierarchy that considers both syntactic and semantic information in pronoun resolution and that within the syntactic information the prominence of entities varies according to their animacy features. Our results are neither explained by processing theories that only consider syntactic factors (Carminati, 2005), nor by theoretical accounts that associate strong pronouns with animacy features (Cardinaletti & Starke, 1999).

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