scholarly journals The relationship between prosodic structure and pitch accent distribution: Evidence from Egyptian Arabic

2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (2-3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Hellmuth
Keyword(s):  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Egyptian Arabic ◽  
The Relationship

Bitonal pitch accent and phonological alignment in Sardinian

Probus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miran Kim ◽  
Lori Repetti
Keyword(s):  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Stressed Syllable ◽  
Romance Language ◽  
Word Level ◽  
Landing Sites ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
As Stress

Abstract This study presents new data on pitch accent alignment in Sardinian, a Romance language spoken in Italy. We propose that what has been described as “stress shift” in encliticization processes is not a change in the word level stress, but variation in the association of the pitch accent. Our claim is that word level stress remains in situ, and the falling tune which our data exhibit can be interpreted as a bitonal pitch accent (HL*) associated with the entire verb + enclitic unit: the starred tone is associated with the rightmost metrically prominent syllable, and the leading tone is associated with the word-level stressed syllable. The research questions we address are twofold: (i) how are the landing sites of the two tonal targets phonetically identified; (ii) how are the phonetic facts reconciled with prosodic structure.

Interplay between perceived cross-linguistic similarity and L2 production

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgios Georgiou
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
First Language ◽  
Production Test ◽  
L1 Transfer ◽  
Egyptian Arabic ◽  
Speech Learning Model ◽  
L2 Production ◽  
Partial Overlap ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Speech Learning

Abstract The present study aims to investigate the relationship between perceived cross-linguistic similarity and second language (L2) production. To this purpose, Egyptian Arabic learners of Greek in Cyprus who took part in a previous cross-linguistic perceptual study, completed a production test with respect to the Cypriot Greek vowels. The findings showed that perceived cross-linguistic similarity was linked with L2 production since along with the consideration of first language (L1)-L2 acoustic differences, it predicted most of the L2 vowel productions. Also, many L2 vowels were considerably longer than the corresponding L1 vowels. This can be interpreted as an L1 transfer since Egyptian Arabic vowels are longer in duration than the Cypriot Greek vowels. An interesting finding was that the production of the L2 vowels had only partial overlap with the productions of the L1 vowels, a finding that provides support for the hypotheses of the Speech Learning Model.

The prosodic structure and pitch accent of Northern Kyungsang Korean

2006 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 289-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jongho Jun ◽  
Jungsun Kim ◽  
Hayoung Lee ◽  
Sun-Ah Jun
Keyword(s):  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Prosodic Structure

Prosodic strengthening in reference to the lexical pitch accent system in South Kyungsang Korean

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-115
Author(s):  
Taehong Cho ◽  
Dong Jin Kim ◽  
Sahyang Kim
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Higher Order ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Strengthening Effect ◽  
Low Level ◽  
Phonological Contrast ◽  
Structural Modulation ◽  
Low Tone ◽  
Phonetic Realization

Abstract Theories of the phonetics-prosody interface suggest that prosodic strengthening that arises with prosodic structuring is not simply a low-level phonetic phenomenon, but it serves as a phonetic hallmark of a higher-order prosodic structure in reference to linguistic (phonological) contrast. The present study builds on this theoretical premise by examining acoustic realization of the phonological tonal contrast in the lexical pitch accent system of South Kyungsang (SK) Korean. Results showed that phonetic realization of F0 and the degree of glottalization (as reflected in spectral tilt measures such as H1-A1c and H1-A3c) of vowels in vowel-initial words were systematically modulated by the higher-order prosodic structure, and that the prosodic-structural modulation gave rise to distinct prosodic strengthening effects as a function of the source of prosodic strengthening. In particular, the prominence-induced strengthening (due to focus) entailed a phonetic polarizing effect on the F0 contrast in a way that enhances the phonological High vs. Low tone contrast. The boundary-induced strengthening effect, on the other hand, could be better understood as enhancing the phonetic clarity of prosodic junctures. The distinct prosodic strengthening effects were further evident in the way that glottalization was fine-tuned according to prosodic structure and phonological (tonal) contrast. Prosodic strengthening effects were also found to interact with intrinsic vowel height, implying that the low-level phonetic effect may be under speaker control in reference to higher-order prosodic and phonological contrast systems of the language. Finally, the results informed a theoretical debate regarding whether the Low tone that contrasts with the High tone in word-initial position should be considered lexically specified vs. post-lexical assigned.

The Intonation of Information-Seeking and Rhetorical Questions in Icelandic

2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-42
Author(s):  
Nicole Dehé ◽  
Bettina Braun
Keyword(s):  
Information Seeking ◽  
Previous Literature ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Stressed Syllable ◽  
Question Types ◽  
Rhetorical Questions ◽  
The Relationship

We investigate the intonation of information-seeking and rhetorical questions in Icelandic. The results for the information-seeking questions largely confirm observations in previous literature based mostly on introspective data: Polar questions are mostly realized with late rise nuclear accents where the peak aligns after a stressed syllable (L*+H), wh-questions with peak accents (H*); wh-questions often start high (%H, H*). Illocution types (that is, information-seeking versus rhetorical questions) differ in nuclear pitch accent types and in the type and frequency of prenuclear accents. The default boundary tone is low (L%) across question types and illocution types. The results are discussed against the background of previous findings with respect to the relationship between question and illocution type, and prosody.*

The Phonetics of Metrics

1992 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilse Lehiste
Keyword(s):  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Phonetic Realization

The purpose of this investigation is to test whether there is a connection between metre and the prosodic structure of a language. If a correspondence exists, the same meter should be realized in a phonetically different way in languages with different prosodic systems, and the differences in the phonetic realization of the metre should be explainable on the basis of the differences between the prosodic systems. The study begins with an examination of the realization of the trochaeic pattern (bisyllabic feet accented on the first syllable) in Finnish, Estonian, Swedish, and Lithuanian. This is followed by a consideration of the relationship between metric feet and poetic lines. Stress-timing is illustrated with reference to Icelandic.

scholarly journals There is no Post-focal De-phrasing in English

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danfeng Wu
Keyword(s):  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Theoretical Possibility ◽  
Prosodic Phrasing ◽  
Production Study ◽  
Prosodic Phrase ◽  
The Relationship

This paper studies the relationship between prosodic phrasing and prominence by addressing the questions of whether every prosodic phrase must have a head (a most prominent sub-constituent), and if so, how the head is marked. I study these questions by examining the intermediate phrase (iP) in English. If every iP must have a head, and this head must be marked by a pitch accent, then in an environment without any pitch accent, there should be no head/non-head distinction. And if there is no head, there should be no iP in this context either. I conducted a production study in English, and found durational evidence suggesting the presence of iP boundaries in an accent-less context. I also searched for durational evidence for iP-level prominence distinctions in this context, but here my results are mixed. One theoretical possibility that is compatible with my findings is that every phrase must have a head, but the head of an iP can be marked by something other than pitch accent, for example by phrasal stress.

On defining the intonational phrase: evidence from Slave

1987 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnold M. Zwicky ◽  
Ellen M. Kaisse ◽  
Keren D. Rice
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Prosodic Phrasing ◽  
The Relationship

Syntactic juncture has been a topic of interest in phonological theory in recent years. One major issue addressed in the study of syntactic juncture is how to predict from syntactic structure the domains of phrase-level rules of the phonology, or prosodic structure. Many, including Selkirk (1978, 1984, 1986), Nespor & Vogel (1982) and Hayes (1984), propose that utterances are organised in a prosodic hierarchy, determined by but not isomorphic to syntactic structure. In work by these authors, algorithms for determining the relationship between syntactic structure and prosodic structure have been proposed, leading to a deeper understanding of prosodic phrasing.

scholarly journals Tonal Adaptation Strategies in Èwùlù and Ùrhòbò Loanword Phonologies

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
pp. 87-96
Author(s):  
Utulu, Don C. ◽  
Ajiboye, Emuobonuvie ◽  
M. and Ajede, Chika K.
Keyword(s):  
English Word ◽  
Adaptation Strategies ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Stress Adaptation ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Word Stress ◽  
Cluster A ◽  
Low Tone

Studies on tonal adaptation strategies in English loanwords of the Nigerian languages (NLs): Yoruba (Y), Hausa (H), Bini (B) and Emai (E) commonly translate the prosodic structure of the loanwords into native prosodic configurations. Translation of pitch melody of borrowed words in the NLs tends to be determined by the position of English word stress. Comparative/typological studies that independently examine such tonal adaptation in Nigerian smaller languages are scanty. Consequently, this paper examines the pattern of word stress adaptation into tone in English loanwords in Èwùlù (Igboid) and Ùrhòbò (Edoid), with a view to revealing the Èwùlù and Ùrhòbò tonal adaptation features common to Y, H, B and E but specific to Èwùlù and/or Ùrhòbò. The empirical observations of data are explained with Autosegmental Theory (Goldsmith, 1976), which formally expresses the relations that hold between the tone loans, tone bearing units and CV nodes operating at different tiers. Findings of this study show/confirm that the English citation pitch accent H*L% basically governs the domain of adaptation of (H)igh tone and (L)ow in loans. Moreover, findings reveal that inserted vowels in CC-clusters in Èwùlù and Ùrhòbò loans are inherently toneless, acquiring their tones from adjacent tones. However, the study identifies two salient peculiar patterns: (1) Ùrhòbò assigns low tone on intervening V element in CC-cluster, a domain characteristically assigned H tone in Èwùlù, Y, H, B, and E. (2) Ùrhòbò regularly simplifies source H*L% as /H/ in adapted source CVC, a context where Èwùlù and the aforementioned NLs rather adapt /H.L/ melody to realise vowel doubling. To this end, the current researchers recommend further comparative or typological studies on English loanwords in other NLs to further identify patterns of tone adaptation and resyllabification rules in loanwords similar to those of Urhobo in particular.

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