Aristophanes and Old Comedy: Caricature and Personal Attack

Pericles ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 96-108
Keyword(s):  
2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Humphreys
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kunal Srivastava ◽  
Ryan Tabrizi ◽  
Ayaan Rahim ◽  
Lauryn Nakamitsu

<div> <div> <div> <p>Abstract </p> <p>The ceaseless connectivity imposed by the internet has made many vulnerable to offensive comments, be it their physical appearance, political beliefs, or religion. Some define hate speech as any kind of personal attack on one’s identity or beliefs. Of the many sites that grant the ability to spread such offensive speech, Twitter has arguably become the primary medium for individuals and groups to spread these hurtful comments. Such comments typically fail to be detected by Twitter’s anti-hate system and can linger online for hours before finally being taken down. Through sentiment analysis, this algorithm is able to distinguish hate speech effectively through the classification of sentiment. </p> </div> </div> </div>


Author(s):  
Anna Peterson

This book examines the impact that Athenian Old Comedy had on Greek writers of the Imperial era. It is generally acknowledged that Imperial-era Greeks responded to Athenian Old Comedy in one of two ways: either as a treasure trove of Atticisms, or as a genre defined by and repudiated for its aggressive humor. Worthy of further consideration, however, is how both approaches, and particularly the latter one that relegated Old Comedy to the fringes of the literary canon, led authors to engage with the ironic and self-reflexive humor of Aristophanes, Eupolis, and Cratinus. Authors ranging from serious moralizers (Plutarch and Aelius Aristides) to comic writers in their own right (Lucian, Alciphron), to other figures not often associated with Old Comedy (Libanius) adopted aspects of the genre to negotiate power struggles, facilitate literary and sophistic rivalries, and provide a model for autobiographical writing. To varying degrees, these writers wove recognizable features of the genre (e.g., the parabasis, its agonistic language, the stage biographies of the individual poets) into their writings. The image of Old Comedy that emerges from this time is that of a genre in transition. It was, on the one hand, with the exception of Aristophanes’s extant plays, on the verge of being almost completely lost; on the other hand, its reputation and several of its most characteristic elements were being renegotiated and reinvented.


1986 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Carey

A persistent ancient tradition has it that a man named Lycambes promised his daughter Neoboule in marriage to the poet Archilochus of Paros, that he subsequently refused Archilochus, and that the poet attacked Lycambes and his daughters with such ferocity that they all committed suicide. When we reflect that the iambographer Hipponax drove his enemies Bupalus and Athenis and Old Comedy a man named Poliager to suicide, that the ancestress of iambos, Iambe, killed herself, and that all these suicides, like those of Lycambes and his daughters, took the form of hanging, we will not take too seriously the ending of the story of Archilochus' relations with Lycambes and his family.However, it seems now to be generally accepted, at least among English-speaking scholars, that the whole Lycambes tradition is to be rejected. The present note seeks to demonstrate that this extreme scepticism is misguided. I shall begin with a survey of Archilochus' references to Lycambes and his family to ascertain how far the indirect tradition is consistent with the surviving fragments.Lycambes appears to have played a consistent role in Archilochus, as far as the fragments allow us to see. In fr. 38 he appears as the father of two daughters (οἴην Λυκάμβεω παῖδα τ⋯ν ύπερτέρην), in fr. 33 (where the voice of ‘the daughter of Lycambes’ is mentioned) as the father of at least one daughter. In fr. 71 his role cannot be determined. But in fr. 54, if his name is correctly restored in v. 8, he may again figure as the father of a daughter, for a female is mentioned in the fragment, whether for good or ill. If his patronymic is correctly supplied in fr. 57.7, it may be significant that the letters πατρ occur in the same verse.


1957 ◽  
Vol 7 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 185-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. B. L. Webster

In answer to Professor Beare's note, which he has generously shown me, I would make the following points: (1) I think it unlikely that Middle Comedy was more obscene than Old Comedy, and the Attic vases go back to about 420 B.C. (see my Greek Theatre Production, pp. 56 f., particularly 66, and Wiener Studien, lxix (1956), 110 f.).


Criminologie ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Laflamme-Cusson

In October 1987, an experimental program was introduced in the Montreal Law Courts, inviting victims of crime and personal attack, as well as victims of burglary, to inform the Court of the consequences they suffered because of these acts; the program was called the Déclaration de la victime. An evaluative study of this experiment was initiated at the same time. The article presents some results : the response of the victims when offered the opportunity of taking part in the judicial debate, the content of the declarations, their use by the members of the Court, their possible influence on the proceedings and on the judicial decisions.


1894 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
George L. Hendrickson
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
John McGuire

In this paper, I reconstruct the notion of kratos as a unique and distinguishable exercise of political power. Using examples from 5th- and 4th-century Attic tragedy, Old Comedy, and forensic oratory, I show how kratos was used in Athenian cultural and political discourse to convey the irrefutability of a claim, the recognition of someone’s prevailing over another, and the sense of having the last word—all of which makes kratic power dependent upon its own continued demonstrability. I argue that the peculiarly performative character of kratos has little or no role within contemporary democratic thinking because the agency of the dēmos is largely mediated through the mechanisms of electoral success and constitutional rights. Nevertheless—and regardless of whether they are ultimately successful in achieving their stated political aims—the spontaneous, organisationally diffuse protests operating extra-institutionally under the banners of #MeToo and Black Lives Matter reveal how the attempted ‘domestication’ of kratos, and the sublimation of its peculiar power into piecemeal reform, was never a realistic or satisfactory answer for democratic discontent.


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