Vietnam's Post-Cold War Diplomacy and the U.S. Response

Asian Survey ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 33 (8) ◽  
pp. 832-847
Author(s):  
Allan E. Goodman
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The U.S

The Fall and Revival of Coercive Diplomacy: Security Partnerships and Sino-American Security Relations, 1972–2009

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Christensen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Coercive Diplomacy ◽  
Security Treaty ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Security Relations ◽  
The Taiwan Strait ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines how, in the post-Cold War era, the United States' alignment with Taiwan and alliance with Japan again have figured prominently among issues affecting U.S.-China security relations. While they are far from being allies, the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) are not enemies either, but rather major economic partners who have also cooperated to some degree in addressing an increasing range of international problems. But there are still security tensions between the two sides over issues such as relations across the Taiwan Strait, and both nations practice coercive diplomacy toward the other, sometimes tacitly, sometimes less so. The chapter considers how the legacies of these Cold War alliances—particularly the U.S.–Taiwan relationship and the U.S.–Japan security treaty—have affected U.S.–China relations since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Inventory Control of Dual-Use Equipment

1995 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
David R. Franz
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Biological Weapons ◽  
Dual Use ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Biological Weapons Convention ◽  
The U.S

Proliferation of biological—as well as chemical and nuclear—weapons is a threat to the security of the U.S. in the post-Cold War era. The number of states with biological weapons (BW) programs or with a strong interest in having a BW program has increased significantly since the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) was signed in 1972 (Office of Technology Assessment, 1993). BW programs present difficult intelligence targets. Thus, the Soviet Union was a signatory to the BWC at the time of the Sverdlovsk incident in 1979, yet we knew little of the scope of its BW program until 1991 (Meselson et al., 1994). The spread of biotechnology throughout the world in recent years has made even more governments potentially BW capable.

scholarly journals Ukrainian-US Relations in the Context of U.S. Foreign Policy Priorities

2019 ◽  
pp. 117-143
Author(s):  
S. Tolstov
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
American President ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The U.S ◽  
American Academic

After Donald Trump was elected as the American president, significant changes were observed in the Ukrainian-American relations. These especially included the lifting of embargo on lethal arms supply and the resumption of meetings of the Ukraine-US Strategic Partnership Commission. Contrary to D. Trump’s desire to conclude a U.S. - Russia “Big Deal”, Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. Congress held a bipartisan position on Ukraine supporting the expansion of sanctions on various occasions – from the on-going conflict in Donbas and Russian attempts to influence the 2016 election campaign to imposing obstacles for the supply of Russian weapons to the third countries. Assessments of American academic and political experts do not give reason to believe that the U.S. political circles are ready to move from remote support of Ukraine in the mood of long-term deterrence doctrine to intensive forms of military and military-political participation. Acknowledging Russia’s rejection of the post-Cold War Euro-Atlantic security order, American observers are inclined to suppose that the conflict in Donbas is unlikely to be finally settled. In case of its freezing, this conflict will pose potential or acute threats to the economy and security of Ukraine. Within such a trend Ukraine will play the role of one of the major subjects of long-term tensions and discord in economic and military relations between Russia and the West. 

The China Factor in the U.S.-Japan Alliance: The Myth of a China Threat

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoshihide Soeya
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Critical Factor ◽  
Major Power ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
Dual Identity ◽  
Rise Of China ◽  
Security Actor ◽  
China Threat ◽  
The U.S

This paper argues that “China threat” was largely a myth and that the China factor was not the critical factor leading to the re-affirmation process of the U.S.-Japan alliance in the mid-1990s. It took the 1994 Korean crisis for this to materialize. The China factor was important only as a general background, and the role of the U.S.-Japan alliance in dealing with the rise of China was implicit, remaining in the domain of managing shifting major power relations after the Cold War rather than being directed against the myth of a “China threat.” The paper also argues that preoccupation with Japan as an independent security pole is an important source of confusion about the nature of Japan's security policies and its profile therein, which, as before, will continue to be premised on the U.S.-Japan alliance. It explains actual records of Japanese security behaviors as a series of attempts to cope with the dual identity as a security actor. Japan's readjustment to the post-Cold War security environment, founded upon the re-affirmation of the U.S.-Japan alliance, was a clear case in point.

20. Global environment

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robyn Eckersley
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Environment Policy ◽  
Global Environmental Problems ◽  
Richard Nixon ◽  
Global Environmental ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
New Generation ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines the evolution of U.S. foreign policy on environmental issues over four decades, from Richard Nixon to Barack Obama. It first considers U.S. environmental multilateralism and foreign environment policy before explaining how the United States, despite being widely regarded as an environmental leader during the Cold War period, has increasingly become an environmental laggard in the post-Cold War period. The chapter attributes the decline in U.S. leadership to the country’s new status as the sole superpower, the more challenging character of the new generation of global environmental problems that emerged in the late 1980s, the structure of the U.S. economy and political system, and key features of U.S. grand strategy.

Conclusion

Secret Wars ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 283-316
Author(s):  
Austin Carson
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Recent Case ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Limited War ◽  
Basic Argument ◽  
Initial Choice ◽  
The U.S

This chapter summarizes the key empirical findings and address extension of the basic argument to cyberconflict and violence within states (i.e., civil wars, terrorism). A consistent theme of the book is that the backstage of war sometimes features direct combat encounters by outside powers that were publicly understood to have avoided such entanglements. The chapter then presents a brief case study of a post-Cold War conflict: the Iranian covert weapons supply program during the U.S. occupation of Iraq (2003–2011). The U.S. occupation of Iraq and the Iranian covert intervention that followed suggest the links between limited war, covertness, and collusion continue to be relevant. Though conclusions about the case are necessarily preliminary, the chapter reviews this conflict to illustrate how the claims of the theory travel to a more recent case. It also addresses questions about the initial choice to intervene, mistakes and exploitation, and the possible implications of social media and leaks in the contemporary era. It concludes by discussing the implications of secrecy's role in escalation control for policy and scholarship.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document