scholarly journals A MODEL OF USING IPA FUNDS FOR PROJECT REALIZATION IN PRE-ACCESSION COUNTRIES: THE CASE OF SERBIA

Ekonomika ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 89 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-43
Author(s):  
Mirjana Kranjac ◽  
Rado Maksimović ◽  
Uroš Sikimić

During the process of enlargement, the European Union established a mechanism to develop institutions and to support transition process in the EU, through financial help, for potential candidates and candidate countries. This foreign aid is operating throughout different EU funds. The instrument for the pre-accession assistance (IPA) has replaced all other financial funds for the budget period 2007–2013. The aim of this article is to give suggestions for a more efficient use of IPA funds. The article presents a case of Serbia by showing the empirical results from a questionnaire survey of 108 organizations evaluating a range of issues. A model of IPA funds’ use has been created. Risk points have been determined and divided into three groups: informing of potential beneficiaries, their education, and assistance in the realization of all project phases. Improvement could be achieved through the implementation of a new idea for setting up “project centres” which would support the process. Thus, civil society would be involved into the monitoring system.

Author(s):  
Dirk T.G. Rübbelke ◽  
Eytan Sheshinski

SummaryIn 2004, there was a further enlargement of the European Union. Among the new member countries are eight Central and Eastern European countries. Especially the accession countries located directly at the border to the EU generate significant environmental spillovers harming the Union. These spillovers are mitigated but not deleted by the enlargement regulations.In this paper we will therefore analyze an instrument which may further diminish the spillover problems: transfers, which are conditional on a tightening of environmental policy in the accession countries. The environmental policy considered is the policy of environmental taxation.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 105-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajendra K. Jain ◽  
Shreya Pandey

AbstractDrawing on thirty face-to-face interviews with Indian business, civil society, media and political elites during the period from September 2011 to April 2012, this article seeks to examine the perceptions of Indian elites of the European Union as a normative power. It discusses the evolution of the concept of normative power and the evolution of the EU’s normative identity. It clearly outlines the expansion of the varied roles played by the EU in the course of assuming responsibilities in the capacity of civilian, ethical and normative power of Europe both within its borders and abroad. The article seeks to highlight the diverse external perceptions about the normative power of EU by focusing upon the elite opinion from India. The article captures the changing mood of the elites about the effectiveness of the normative power of the EU with the intensification of the eurozone crisis. It argues that the normative disconnect in worldviews, mindsets and practical agendas between India and the European Union has made it difficult to transform shared values into coordinated policies.


Author(s):  
Gentian Elezi

The European integration process of the Western Balkans has been experiencing considerable stagnation since 2010, although the regional states have been formally following the accession stages. In spite of the remarkable achievements in the 2000s in terms of stability and engagement in reforms, the European Union (EU) conditionality policy is experiencing shortcomings in terms of tangible impact. Due also to its internal problems, the EU appears to have lost its shine in influencing domestic political agendas of the Western Balkan countries as in the case of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and has gradually lost the support of citizens in the region. This has had several consequences in terms of rising authoritarian practices, slowing down EU-related reforms and compliance with the acquis, some return to nationalistic rhetoric, and openness to influences of other global actors from the East, which do not necessarily maintain good relations with the EU. The enlargement fatigue that has affected the EU since the 2008 global crisis has had repercussions inside the EU institutions and domestic politics of member states. These changes have been reflected in the Union’s approach towards accession countries, undermining the credibility of the integration process and its commitment to the Western Balkans. The weakening of credibility and predictability on this path, together with the poor state capacities that characterize the Western Balkans, have produced some regress of the democracy indicators. The EU, with its conditionality, is still a determining factor in the trajectory of the countries of the region. However, there is a need to renew the commitments undertaken on both sides in order to make sure that the European perspective, stability, and democratization in the Western Balkans are irreversible and properly supported. The European Union is still considered the only game in town, but it has to face up to the enlargement fatigue and return to its leading role as an aspirational model for the Western Balkans.


Author(s):  
Patricia T. Young

Institutional reforms to regulate the market environment and the proper functioning of democracy have been mandated by the European Union to accession countries. In spite of the uniform creation of such regulatory frameworks, governance problems persist, especially in the newest members of the EU. I analyze the institution al reform record in both market and political governance, as well as the effectiveness of these institutions, in the case of Romania, one of the laggards of reform. I argue that the EU did significantly support reform efforts, but insufficient domestic commitment to reform has resulted in ineffective institutions.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v4i1.194


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia T Young

Institutional reforms to regulate the market environment and the proper functioning of democracy have been mandated by the European Union to accession countries. In spite of the uniform creation of such regulatory frameworks, governance problems persist, especially in the newest members of the EU. I analyze the institution al reform record in both market and political governance, as well as the effectiveness of these institutions, in the case of Romania, one of the laggards of reform. I argue that the EU did significantly support reform efforts, but insufficient domestic commitment to reform has resulted in ineffective institutions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-102
Author(s):  
Anna Katarzyna Drabarz

In the last decade, accessibility has become a buzzword not only among actors of the civil society advocating for the rights of persons with disabilities but also among the legislators in the European Union. The EU has adopted a series of binding regulations aiming at approximating the common understanding of accessibility and Member States’ approach to operationalising the right. Being part of EU harmonised law, the European Accessibility Act has already been considered a milestone in the process. The choice of an approach / approaches will decide about a success of its transposition into Member States legal systems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
CASIS

On July 26th, 2019, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver, and the Vancouver Branch of the Canadian International Council (CIC) hosted the delegates of the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) of the European Union (EU). The purpose of the event was to discuss the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between the EU and Canada in the context of preserving digital civil society.


ICR Journal ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-189
Author(s):  
Christoph Marcinkowski

Cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Malaysia started with the 1980 European Commission-ASEAN Agreement which has made it possible for Malaysia to benefit from a number of ASEAN and Asia-wide cooperation programmes. The EU Delegation to Malaysia was opened in 2003 and since then dialogue, policy interaction and cooperation with both federal and state authorities, the Malaysian and EU business community as well as the civil society has increased progressively. Moreover, Malaysia is also the EU’s second most important trading partner in ASEAN. No bilateral preferential trade arrangements exist between Malaysia and the EU, but under the new Generalised System of Preferences (GSP), in force since January 2006, the share of Malaysia’s merchandise exports to the EU eligible for preferential treatment rose from 16 per cent to 81 per cent. Over 70 per cent of Malaysia’s exports to the EU now enter duty-free. Malaysia records a trade surplus with most EU Member States.


2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-31
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Monaghan

The European Commission’s new ‘communication strategy’ has been presented as a radically new way of bridging the gap between the citizens of the member states and the European Union (EU) institutions. However it should also be seen as the latest in a long line of attempts to solve the problems of democratic legitimacy from which the EU is said to suffer. The rhetoric of the strategy is infused with highly commendable objectives and desirable principles stating how effective communication can help the EU connect more closely with citizens, and calling upon all relevant stakeholders – specifically civil society – to contribute to this project. Democratic theories of civil society provide support for the idea that civil society can play a linkage role between citizens and political structures. But empirical research on processes of interest representation in the EU casts doubt on whether organisations purporting to represent various strands within European civil society are able and willing to help bring citizens and the EU closer together. Turning the empirical focus to the organisations themselves it becomes apparent that simply invoking civil society involvement in ‘communicating Europe’ is not a sufficient guarantee of success. Instead, the nature of the communication activities, the characteristics of the organisations in question, and the issue of funding all have implications for the role of civil society in communicating Europe.


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