scholarly journals Measuring Implicit Attitudes: A Critical Viewpoint on the Political Cartooning

Media Watch ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
OMPRAKASH KUSHWAHA
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 91-109
Author(s):  
Snehal P. Sanathanan ◽  
Vinod Balakrishnan

Political cartooning was one among the many cultural products that colonial rule introduced in India. This British legacy has been used to produce narratives about the nature and history of Indian cartooning. However, these narratives have, invariably, overlooked the distinctly Indian cultural ethos as well as the Indian satirical tradition. The paper proposes an alternative model by positing that in the Indian satirical tradition, the Vidusaka – the comic figure in Sanskrit drama - has been an antecedent to the political cartoonist in terms of the social and political role as well as the nature and purpose of the humour.      The paper also locates the principles of caricaturing in precolonial Indian visual arts, and presents the early vernacular cartoons as the point of convergence between the local satirical tradition and the western format of the political cartoon which laid the foundation for a modern yet specifically Indian sensibility


1997 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-150 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractThe lack of research on the history of political cartoons in Singapore and the kind of tradition it has evolved is what prompted this thesis to perform its rudimentary search through 36 years of The Straits Times (1959-1995) in a basic attempt to fill in some of the gaps. It has taken upon itself to identify the trends - thematic and stylistic - of this tradition, by looking at the political context behind the cartoon's production. The assumption here is that the kind of tradition an art form has evolved can be understood by studying it from a historical viewpoint, that is, from its political context. A political cartoon is more than just a summing up of the day's issues. In Singapore, it has a consensus-shaping role as well. It reflects the times and political space and how things are run here. That is why its history is important to any society.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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