The Song the South Korean Church and the North Korean Church Will Sing Together

2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 373-394
Author(s):  
이상일
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1690212
Author(s):  
Huy Pham ◽  
Osama Al-Hares ◽  
Vikash Ramiah ◽  
Nisreen Moosa ◽  
Jose Fransisco Veron ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-124
Author(s):  
V. E. Sukhinin

Being a part of the Chinese cultural area, the Korean Peninsula adopted Chinese characters and literary language in the first centuries C.E. Nevertheless, its colloquial language remained native Korean, genealogically and typologically different from Chinese, and in the first half of the 15th century the Korean alphabet was created. From the end of the 19th century, Korean was proclaimed the official written language, although the mixed script was mainly used (Sinokorean words were written in Chinese characters, and native words and grammatical formants in Korean alphabet).After liberation from the Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945), both the North and the South proclaimed abolition of writing in Chinese characters. But unlike the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, in the Republic of Korea the transition dragged on for more than half a century. And though at schools of both Korean states Chinese characters are still being taught, young generation has a rather low level of their knowledge.Upon thorough analysis of current South Korean newspapers and other materials, the author has made the conclusion that nowadays the usage of Chinese characters even in the South is extremely limited and is in fact occasional and depends on: 1) the topic of the text (it is present more widely in historical and classical literature); 2) the need to distinguish homonyms and difficult words with an unclear meaning; 3) writer’s preferences. Using Chinese characters is a personal choice, and one can choose to replace them with more wordy expressions instead.At the same time the article concludes that it is necessary to teach Chinese characters in certain quantities to students, including those majoring in Korean studies at non-linguistics universities including MGIMO. This recommendation takes into consideration, first, the existence of a huge layer of Sinokorean words (social and political vocabulary, terminology), which requires elementary knowledge of Chinese characters for better understanding; second, the task of reading current South Korean newspapers with some Chinese characters used, not to mention older publications written in mixed script.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyun-key Kim Hogarth

Abstract This article is an anthropological study of South Korea’s ‘Sunshine Policy’ towards North Korea, through analyzing the much debated issue of reciprocity between the divided yet one nation. The Sunshine Policy was first instigated in 1998 by South Korean President Kim Dae Jung, to soften the belligerent attitude of North Korea towards the South by promoting interaction through the prosperous South’s economic aid to the nearly bankrupt North. The policy initially seemed to work, leading to some communications between the two Koreas, and President Kim Dae Jung was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2000. However, as the North ‘jettisoned’ the principle of reciprocity, and the financial aid aimed to help the starving North Korean masses was used to develop weaponry including nuclear bombs and long-range missiles, the South Korean public began to question its validity. Since March 2008, the new South Korean President Lee Myung-bak has taken a harsher stance towards the North, and the Sunshine Policy has somewhat faded. According to some it is doomed to fail. This is an analyses of nation, state and reciprocity, and the reasons why the Sunshine Policy has encountered so many problems.


Asian Survey ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 859-881
Author(s):  
Terence Roehrig

Efforts to denuclearize North Korea continue, but it is highly doubtful whether this goal will be reached. An often-expressed fear of a nuclear-armed North Korea is that it might use this capability to coerce reunification with the South on its terms. Though its leaders often speak of the desire for reunification, North Korea will not and could not pursue a successful nuclear coercion strategy because it carries an inordinate amount of risk, even for Pyongyang, which raises serious doubts about the credibility of its nuclear threats, the possibility of success, and the likelihood of pursuing such a strategy in the first place. And even if North Korea were to succeed, its efforts to integrate the South Korean economy would be a disaster, leading to the end of the North Korean regime.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 405-445
Author(s):  
Justine GUICHARD

AbstractAs modern constitutions speak in the name of the people, they contribute to constituting the body politic by making potentially contentious claims about its members’ identity, rights, and duties. Focusing on the North and South Korean Constitutions, this article examines the claims about peoplehood articulated in both texts since their concurrent adoption in 1948. The analysis argues that these claims are irreducible to the North and the South competing over two ideologically antagonistic conceptions of the body politic—a rivalry supposedly embodied in and magnified by their constitutions’ use of differentiated terms to designate the people: inmin and kungmin. Instead, these categories should be seen in light of their synchronic commonalities in the North and South Korean Constitutions as well as diachronic transformations throughout the successive versions of each text, revealing that constituting the people has been less a matter of conflict between both Koreas than within each.


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