Phase, Remnant Movement, and Computation : Remarks on Stabler (1999, 2010)

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 171-191
Author(s):  
Dongwoo Park
Keyword(s):  
Remnant Movement

scholarly journals On the Ungrammaticality of Remnant Movement in the Derivation of Greenberg's Universal 20

2011 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Steddy ◽  
Vieri Samek-Lodovici
Keyword(s):  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Linear Orders ◽  
Original Analysis ◽  
Remnant Movement

We propose an analysis that derives Cinque's (2005) typology of linear orders involving a demonstrative, numeral, adjective, and noun through four Optimality Theory constraints requiring leftward alignment of these items. We show that remnant movement is ungrammatical whenever it produces universally suboptimal alignments, compared with remnant-movement-free structures. Any movement is permitted, but only the best alignment configurations surface as grammatical. We also show that Cinque's original analysis must encode the structural derivations of all attested orders as parametric values of the associated languages. Our analysis need not make similar structural stipulations, as the different attested structures emerge from constraint reranking.

Head movement and remnant movement

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin Williams
Keyword(s):  
Head Movement ◽  
Remnant Movement

Without Remnant Movement, MGs Are Context-Free

2010 ◽  
pp. 160-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory M. Kobele
Keyword(s):  
Remnant Movement ◽  
Context Free

Constraining second language word order optionality: scrambling in advanced English-German and Japanese-German interlanguage

2005 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Hopp
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Universal Grammar ◽  
First Language ◽  
Target Language ◽  
Transfer Effects ◽  
L1 Transfer ◽  
Remnant Movement ◽  
Functional Features ◽  
Japanese Learners

This study documents knowledge of UG-mediated aspects of optionality in word order in the second language (L2) German of advanced English and Japanese speakers ( n = 39). A bimodal grammaticality judgement task, which controlled for context and intonation, was administered to probe judgements on a set of scrambling, topicalization and remnant movement constructions. Given first language (L1) differences and Poverty of the Stimulus, English and Japanese learners face distinct learnability challenges. Assuming Minimalist grammatical architecture (Chomsky, 1995), convergence on the target language would entail the unimpaired availability of Universal Grammar (UG), i.e., computational principles and functional features beyond their L1 instantiation. Irrespective of L1, the L2 groups are found to establish systematic native-like relative distinctions. In addition, L1 transfer effects are attested for judgements on scrambling. It is argued that these findings imply that interlanguage grammars are fully UG constrained, whilst initially informed by L1 properties.

Hawaiian VP-remnant movement: A cyclic linearization approach

Lingua ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 127 ◽  
pp. 72-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Medeiros
Keyword(s):  
Remnant Movement ◽  
Cyclic Linearization

scholarly journals The ban on headless XP-movement is not narrow syntactic

2021 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. e021024
Author(s):  
Carlos Muñoz Pérez
Keyword(s):  
Remnant Movement ◽  
Doubling Construction

This paper argues that the ban on headless XP-movement should not be captured in narrow syntactic terms. That is, there is no constraint in the syntactic computation preventing remnant movement of a phrase from which the head has been extracted, i.e., so-called Takano’s Generalization is wrong. This is demonstrated through a case study of the emphatic doubling construction in Rioplatense Spanish, which requires a derivation proceeding exactly along these lines. It is further argued that the relevant prohibition should be stated as a condition that applies at PF: A preliminary conjecture on the nature of this prohibition is also offered.

scholarly journals Phonological Movement in Ukrainian

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Teliga ◽  
Brian Agbayani ◽  
Chris Golston
Keyword(s):  
Driving Force ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
Remnant Movement

Extant accounts of scrambling in Ukrainian generally don’t extend past object- and other NP-related processes (Féry et al. 2007, Mykhaylyk 2010). Analysis of Slavic scrambling as XP movement (Corver 1992, Bošković 2005) runs into problems with split constituency, as does OT syntax (Gouskova 2001). Remnant movement (Sekerina 1997, Bašić 2004) runs afoul of Slavic data and theory too (Pereltsvaig 2008, Kariaeva 2009). Analyses that mix syntax with prosody (Antonyuk-Yudina & Mykhaylyk 2013; Mykhaylyk 2012) are more promising but also fail. Ukrainian scrambles only prosodic entities, ignores core principles of syntax, and respects core principles of phonology.The driving force behind the scrambling is not our focus here. It is generally assumed to be pragmatic in nature, based on things like topic, focus, and givenness (e.g., Féry et al. 2007). Fanselow & Lenertová have recently argued against this, however, and claim for most scrambling that ‘accentuation rather than informational status determines which categories can be fronted’ (2012:169); their findings support Chomsky’s (2008) view that information structure does not result in movement. We leave this to future research and focus here on which part of the grammar the movement takes place in. We propose that Ukrainian scrambling is phonological movement of exactly the sort found in Ancient Greek and Latin (Agbayani & Golston 2010, 2016), and similar to the more limited type found in Japanese (Agbayani, Golston & Ishii 2015) and Irish (Bennett, Elfner, & McCloskey 2016).

Towards a restrictive theory of (remnant) movement!

2007 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 53-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus Abels
Keyword(s):  
Recent Effort ◽  
Entire Class ◽  
Order Preservation ◽  
Remnant Movement ◽  
The Right ◽  
Universal Constraint

A restrictive theory of syntax needs both a restrictive theory of structures and a restrictive theory of operations.Much recent effort has gone into narrowing the class of allowable structures and a lot has been learned. This paper proposes that operations are linearly ordered on an essentially constituent by constituent basis. A universal constraint on the ordering of operations in language is proposed whose function is to fix the order in which operations apply. This constraint is deployed using a generalized prohibition against improper movement. The proposal captures some but not all effects of what has traditionally been called the freezing principle. It is argued that empirically exactly the right cut is made. It is further argued that the proposal rules out an entire class of remnant movement derivations, including the analysis of cross-serial dependencies in Nilsen (2003) and the analysis of order-preservation in Koopman and Szabolcsi (2000).

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Adriana Belletti ◽  
Chris Collins
Keyword(s):  
Remnant Movement

The introduction outlines the scope of the volume and defines smuggling as involving two steps (Step A is a pied-piping, and Step B is extraction). It is pointed out that in terms of the order of the steps involved, smuggling is the reverse of remnant movement. The possible range of smuggling operations is discussed, including a case of smuggling in the domain of A′ movement from Italian. Lastly, the contributions to the volume are summarized.

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