A Networked Landscape: Meaningful Places Along the Niob and MNRR

2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-14
Author(s):  
Brandi Bethke

This article presents the results of an ethnographic survey of land utilization in the Niobrara National Scenic River (NIOB) and Missouri National Recreational River (MNRR) districts completed for the National Park Service as part of their ongoing Ethnographic Program. It focuses particularly on the Ponca, Omaha, Yankton, and Santee Sioux tribes, each of whom have in the past and continue to maintain unique cultural ties to the riverways. The broad cultural landscape approach used in this study facilitates an exploration of connections between resources (both cultural and natural), significant places, archaeological sites, and landmarks within the districts. Here, I present a discussion of methods for conducting a cultural landscape survey through collaborative research between the National Park Service, university researchers, and Native American stakeholders in order to better understand diverse conceptions of the land and its resources.

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly Mann Bruch ◽  
Hans-Werner Braun ◽  
Susan Teel

For several years, National Park Service scientists, historians, and educators have been working with National Science Foundation-funded High Performance Wireless Research and Education Network (HPWREN) researchers on developing, implementing, and evaluating Live Interactive Virtual Explorations (LIVE) at several sites. The LIVE activities utilize computers with headsets and microphones to link National Park Service sites with an array of audiences. The two case studies in this paper examine the effectiveness of LIVE activities that allow Washington, DC, inner-city youth to explore two hard-to-reach National Park Service sites: Knife River Indian Villages National Historic Site in North Dakota and the Hawaii Volcanoes National Park.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (23) ◽  
pp. 9846
Author(s):  
Richard Stoffle ◽  
Octavius Seowtewa ◽  
Cameron Kays ◽  
Kathleen Van Vlack

The sustainable use of Native American heritage places is viewed in this analysis as serving to preserve their traditional purposes and sustaining the cultural landscapes that give them heritage meaning. The research concerns the potential impacts of heritage tourism to selected Native American places at Arches National Park, Canyonlands National Park, and Hovenweep National Monument. The impacts of tourists on a heritage place must be understood as having both potential effects on the place itself and on an integrated cultural landscape. Impacts to one place potentially change other places. Their functions in a Native American landscape, and the integrity of the landscape itself. The analysis is based on 696 interviews with representatives from nine tribes and pueblos, who, in addition to defining the cultural meaning of places, officially made 349 heritage management recommendations. The U.S. National Park Service interprets Natives American resources and then brings millions of tourists to these through museums, brochures, outdoor displays, and ranger-guided tours. Native American ethnographic study participants argued that tourist education and regulation can increase the sustainability of Native American places in a park and can help protect related places beyond the park.


Author(s):  
Richard Stoffle ◽  
Octavius Seowtewa ◽  
Cameron Kays ◽  
Kathleen Van Vlack

Abstract: Sustainable use of Native American heritage places is viewed in this analysis as serving to preserve their traditional purposes and sustain the cultural landscapes that give them heritage meaning. The research is about the potential impacts of heritage tourism to selected Native American places at Arches National Park, Canyonlands National Park, and Hovenweep National Monument. The impacts of tourists to a heritage place must be understood as having both potential effects on the place itself and on an integrated cultural landscape. Impacts to one place potentially change other places- functions in a Native American landscape and the integrity of the landscape itself. The analysis is based on 696 interviews with representatives from nine tribes and pueblos, who in addition to defining the cultural meaning of places, officially made 349 heritage management recommendations. The U.S. National Park Service interprets Natives American resources and then brings millions of tourists to these through museums, brochures, outdoor displays, and ranger-guided tours. Native American ethnographic study participants argued that tourist education and regulation can increase the sustainability of Native American places in a park and can help protect related places beyond the park.


2007 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN H. SPRINKLE

The ““fifty-year rule”” is one of the most commonly accepted principles within American historic preservation: properties that have achieved significance within the past fifty years are generally not considered eligible for listing in the National Register of Historic places. An often misunderstood chronological threshold, the fifty-year standard was established by National Park Service historians in 1948. Until the advent of the ““new preservation”” with the National Historic Preservation Act in 1966, the standard of exceptional importance had only been applied to presidential and atomic heritage sites. Operating as a filter to ward off potentially controversial decisions about the nature of historic site significance, understanding the origins of the fifty-year rule reveals how Americans have constructed the chronological boundaries of a useable past through historic preservation during the twentieth century.


Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 335
Author(s):  
Rochelle Bloom ◽  
Douglas Deur

Several Native American communities assert traditional ties to Yosemite Valley, and special connections to the exceptional landmarks and natural resources of Yosemite National Park. However, tribal claims relating to this highly visible park with its many competing constituencies—such as tribal assertions of traditional ties to particular landscapes or requests for access to certain plant gathering areas—often require supporting documentation from the written record. Addressing this need, academic researchers, the National Park Service and park-associated tribes collaborated in a multi-year effort to assemble a comprehensive ethnographic database containing most available written accounts of Native American land and resource use in Yosemite National Park. To date, the database includes over 13,000 searchable and georeferenced entries from historical accounts, archived ethnographic notebooks, tribal oral history transcripts and more. The Yosemite National Park Ethnographic Database represents a progressive tool for identifying culturally significant places and resources in Yosemite—a tool already being used by both cultural and natural resource managers within the National Park Service as well as tribal communities considering opportunities for future collaborative management of their traditional homelands within Yosemite National Park. We conclude that the organization of such data, including inherent ambiguities and contradictions, periodically updated with data provided by contemporary Tribal members, offers a rich, multivocal and dynamic representation of cultural traditions linked to specific park lands and resources. Indeed, some Yosemite tribal members celebrate the outcomes as revelatory, and as a partial antidote to their textual erasure from dispossessed lands. In practice however, as with any database, we find that this approach still risks ossifying data and reinforcing hegemonic discourses relating to cultural stasis, ethnographic objectivity and administrative power. By critically engaging these contradictions, we argue that one can still navigate pathways forward—bringing Native voices more meaningfully into the management of parks and other protected spaces, and providing a template useful at other parks for collaboration toward shared conservation goals.


1993 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-34

As a regular feature of PA, Washington Watch is designed to keep readers abreast of recent and pending legislation as well as congressional hearings and federal agency directives, regulations, and initiatives which may have an impact on the work of anthropologists or to which anthropologists way be able to contribute. In this issue, Muriel Crespi, a cultural anthropologist with the National Park Service and former president of the Washington Association of Professional Anthropologists, reviews past and pending legislation relative to Native American religious freedom. This review is particularly timely in that on May 25, 1993, Senator Inouye (D-HI) introduced S1021 Native American Free Exercise of Religion Act of 1993, and hearings are planned for late June.


1998 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 16-20
Author(s):  
Ann Tweedie

My initial experience with applied anthropology began in cyber-space. In the fall of 1994, I was considering a leave from my doctoral program in cultural anthropology at Harvard University and was searching for employment in which I could test the practicality of my anthropological skills. My most marketable professional experience at that time was several months involvement in implementing the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) at Harvard's Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. In response to an inquiry I posted on an anthropology listserve, Rebecca Joseph, an ethnographer with the National Park Service (NPS), contacted me about assisting her for a year in an internship capacity. At the time, she was responsible for overseeing NAGPRA implementation in the NPS New England Cluster in addition to her regular duties as manager of the regional Applied Ethnography Program. The impetus for the position was a pending NAGPRA compliance deadline (November 1995) that required inventorying Native American human remains in park collections and research on potentially affiliated tribal groups. I would also have an opportunity to help her in other capacities when NAGPRA duties were minimal or the deadline had passed. The internship was economically feasible for me since it provided a comfortable salary, reimbursement for workrelated travel, and funds to cover medical expenses in lieu of benefits. I started working full time in February of 1995 and was based out of the central NPS office in Boston, where I had daily contact with agency professionals and exposure to a variety of projects and departments. This arrangement proved to be personally invaluable in gaining a broad understanding of how federal policies affect local-level issues.


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