63/520. United Nations conference to identify appropriate ways of elminating nuclear dangers in the context of nuclear disarmament

Worldview ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (7) ◽  
pp. 5-10
Author(s):  
Homer A. Jack

In April, 1952, I traveled to Lambarene, then in French Equatorial Africa, to try to enlist the leadership of Albert Schweitzer for the cause of world peace. I was disappointed to find him basically unconcerned about world politics, skeptical of the United Nations, indifferent to disarmament, and unwilling even to lend his name to peace efforts. A decade later, in June, 1962, I saw Schweitzer for the last time. He was then a world leader in nuclear disarmament, and my task this time, also unsuccessful, was to discourage his indiscriminate endorsements of some peace efforts which I believed misguided.


Author(s):  
Andrew Kennedy

India’s first Prime Minister towered over India’s international relations for nearly two critical decades. More than half a century after his death, however, scholars continue to debate the meaning and significance of Nehru’s most important initiatives in foreign policy. Some argue that he was a bold idealist crusader, one who frequently ignored important Indian interests. Others have described him as a subtle practitioner of realpolitik statecraft. This chapter argues that Nehru must be remembered as both an idealist and a realist. To make its case, the chapter delves into three of Nehru’s most important ‘idealistic’ preoccupations in foreign policy: his drive to build up the United Nations, his campaign for non-alignment, and his crusade for nuclear disarmament. In each case, the analysis reveals that Nehru was both sincerely committed to what he saw as a moral cause, but also convinced that advancing it would suit narrower Indian interests as well.


2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 617
Author(s):  
Hiroaki Nakanishi

Global momentum towards a "Nuclear-Weapon-Free World" (NWFW) has been growing since the end of the Cold War. Nevertheless, in the international community, it is still difficult to discern a unified voice about how to approach a NWFW, utilising international law. This is possibly because of ongoing disagreement between nuclear weapon States (NWS) and non-nuclear weapon States (NNWS), particularly the non-aligned countries. The issue revolves around the understanding of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), especially art 6 of that treaty which sets out the contracting parties' nuclear disarmament obligations. Reflecting the discord between the NWS and NNWS, this article sheds light on the gap between the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA)'s perceptions of, and actions taken towards, the realisation of a NWFW. The article calls for the minimisation of disharmony by reinvestigating the roles of the United Nations system and the NPT in establishing a NWFW, and through observing the UNGA's current position.


Author(s):  
Karthik Nachiappan

As a key state in the international system, India’s positions and contributions on issues like climate change, global health, humanitarian crises, and nuclear disarmament significantly affect how these issues are addressed. Scholarly work mapping India’s multilateral behaviour has extended from covering the United Nations to a wide range of fora where India is seeking to shape issues that affect its security and development. Yet, the literature on Indian multilateralism lags, focusing disproportionately on India’s ostensibly obstructionist tendencies without adequately contextualizing why India behaves this way. There has been no serious exploration of how India concretely negotiates multilateral issues. In this book, Karthik Nachiappan investigates how India negotiates international rules covering issues like climate change, nuclear disarmament, tobacco control and international trade. By unpacking these negotiations, he shows that India’s multilateral persona is more nuanced than is generally understood. When interests converge, Indian negotiators are willing to shape and ratify international agreements, conceding when necessary to cut deals and make compromises.


2021 ◽  
pp. 329-362
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš

This chapter recounts the end of the age of destalinization and the changes of every aspect of Soviet policy under Mikhail Suslov and Leonid Brezhnev. It mentions Indonesian President Sukarno's disagreement with Marshal Tito's claim that the 1963 Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty had contributed to the safety of small countries. It also talks about the drafted resolution for nuclear disarmament, which became obsolete as soon as it was written and sent to the United Nations in New York. The chapter details how Brezhnev and Suslov set in motion a massive armaments race and the creation of the greatest military force in human history that prioritized Russian imperialism and total militarization of state and society. It discusses the year of the Lusaka conference that saw the fall of Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, who was ousted in a military coup.


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