Towards a Nuclear-Weapon-Free World: How Can the World Resolve the Disharmony Between the UNSC and UNGA?

2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 617
Author(s):  
Hiroaki Nakanishi

Global momentum towards a "Nuclear-Weapon-Free World" (NWFW) has been growing since the end of the Cold War. Nevertheless, in the international community, it is still difficult to discern a unified voice about how to approach a NWFW, utilising international law. This is possibly because of ongoing disagreement between nuclear weapon States (NWS) and non-nuclear weapon States (NNWS), particularly the non-aligned countries. The issue revolves around the understanding of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), especially art 6 of that treaty which sets out the contracting parties' nuclear disarmament obligations. Reflecting the discord between the NWS and NNWS, this article sheds light on the gap between the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA)'s perceptions of, and actions taken towards, the realisation of a NWFW. The article calls for the minimisation of disharmony by reinvestigating the roles of the United Nations system and the NPT in establishing a NWFW, and through observing the UNGA's current position.

1993 ◽  
Vol 33 (292) ◽  
pp. 49-56

The end of the cold war raised hopes for a more peaceful world. While in the new climate of international relations tension has indeed eased in several areas of conflict, violence has flared up in other parts of the world and is today claiming not thousands but millions of victims on every continent.


2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 915-938 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Hecht

AbstractHow has the salience of democratic governance varied as an issue and as a basis of social status in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) over time? International Relations (IR) scholars typically assume a high salience of democratic governance in international society after the Cold War, yet evidence suggests important fluctuations and that these assumptions should be qualified. This article presents quantitative and qualitative results of a manually-coded content analysis of the UNGA General Debates between 1992 and 2014, with comparison to 1982, illustrating variation in the frequency and content of state representatives’ references to democracy and the use of democratic governance as a symbol of status. What factors influence the salience of a given dimension of social status in an international organisation? Explanations supplement IR approaches with insights from social psychology, including the relevance of high and low identifiers, accessibility, fit, current and anticipated group status, and regional status concerns. The article analyses trends in states’ support for principles underpinning international order, which have broader implications for literature on global governance and status in world politics as well as for international democracy support.


1971 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward T. Rowe

The nature of political relationships in the United Nations is of considerable interest to students of international organization and, to a lesser degree, to students of international politics. One important aspect of this question concerns the extent to which Western states as a group and the United States in particular dominate the organization. In their examination of this issue many authors contend that the United States prevailed over the United Nations General Assembly during the assembly's earliest years but progressively lost its control as the membership of the organization increased. Their findings, with some variations in detail, indicate that prior to the first significant membership increase in 1955 the United States, with an automatic two-thirds majority in the General Assembly, was dominant. In their view the United States position from 1955 through 1959 was considerably weakened but remained strong enough to ensure favorable decisions by the organization. With further increases in membership during and after 1960, however, they suggest that United States predominance came to an end. Now the newer, less developed, and nonaligned states determine the character and concerns of the UN.


2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-359
Author(s):  
Jelica Gordanic

The paper analyses the revitalization of the General Assembly of the United Nations in the context of the establishment of the Parliamentary Assembly, a potentially new organ within the UN system. The United Nations system deals with the lack of democratic capacity. Establishment of the Parliamentary Assembly which consisted of the citizens of UN members could eliminate the lack of democratic capacity and improve the entire UN structure. The author analyzes the possibilities of establishment of the Parliamentary Assembly, its potential jurisdiction and examines its potential contribution to the revitalization of the General Assembly. The paper points out that the establishment of the Parliamentary Assembly can contribute to the actualization of the agenda, improve the quality of resolutions and reduce the number of repetitive resolutions of the General Assembly. Moreover, it could achieve an indirect impact on democratization and transparency of the work of the Security Council. The author considers funding and the composition of the Parliamentary Assembly as possible threats for the establishment of this organ. These facts also represent the threats for the process of revitalization of the General Assembly. The author concludes the potential establishment of the Parliamentary Assembly can contribute to the revitalization of the General Assembly to a certain extent. The key answer in the revitalization of the General Assembly is a revision of the United Nations Charter.


1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 679-687
Author(s):  
Rafael M. Salas

As of the end of January 1973, the United Nations Fund for Population Activities was supporting almost 600 population projects in 76 developing countries and areas, with cumulative resources of more than $80 million contributed by 60 governments. The rapid expansion of resources and activities experienced by the Fund since its inception five years ago is evidence of the remarkable rate at which international concern for world population problems, once aroused, has been translated into action. The Fund, as the recognized focal point of population efforts of the United Nations system, has moved further toward its objective of encouraging universal participation in population activities. The Fund provides assistance to governments in the areas of collecting basic population data, population dynamics, population policy, education and communication, multisector activities, and, most extensively, family planning. The Fund's continuing role as a major multilateral source of assistance in the population field was confirmed in December 1972, when the United Nations General Assembly changed the Fund from a trust fund of the Secretary-General to a fund under the authority of the Assembly itself.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002085232199756
Author(s):  
Julia Gray ◽  
Alex Baturo

When political principals send agents to international organizations, those agents are often assumed to speak in a single voice. Yet, various types of country representatives appear on the international stage, including permanent representatives as well as more overtly “political” government officials. We argue that permanent delegates at the United Nations face career incentives that align them with the bureaucracy, setting them apart from political delegates. To that end, they tend to speak more homogeneously than do other types of speakers, while also using relatively more technical, diplomatic rhetoric. In addition, career incentives will make them more reluctant to criticize the United Nations. In other words, permanent representatives speak more like bureaucratic agents than like political principals. We apply text analytics to study differences across agents’ rhetoric at the United Nations General Assembly. We demonstrate marked distinctions between the speech of different types of agents, contradictory to conventional assumptions, with implications for our understandings of the interplay between public administration and agency at international organizations. Points for practitioners Delegations to international organizations do not “speak with one voice.” This article illustrates that permanent representatives to the United Nations display more characteristics of bureaucratic culture than do other delegates from the same country. For practitioners, it is important to realize that the manner in which certain classes of international actors “conduct business” can differ markedly. These differences in tone—even among delegates from the same principal—can impact the process of negotiation and debate.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-115
Author(s):  
Mariana Pimenta Oliveira Baccarini

Abstract This article analyses attempts to reform the United Nations Security Council from a historical-institutional perspective. It argues that the possibilities for reform have suffered from a ‘lock-in’ effect that has rendered the UN resistant to change. On the other hand, the UN decision-making process has evolved since its establishment, especially since the end of the Cold War, in response to new power aspirations, making it more representative and legitimate. The Security Council has also undergone continuous informal reform that has allowed it to adapt to new times.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 1002-1026 ◽  
Author(s):  
Byungwon Woo ◽  
Eunbin Chung

How do political factors affect foreign aid allocation? Recognizing that aid can be used as inducement, we argue that the US has incentives to provide aid to countries who oppose it a priori at the United Nations General Assembly when it is the sole country that “buys votes” with aid, in order to maximize the number of favorable votes. When there is a rival country trying to buy votes, as was the case during the Cold War, there are incentives for the US to provide aid even to those who support its position already. We empirically demonstrate that the US provides more aid to countries who hold unfavorable positions to the US only in the post-Cold War era.


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