scholarly journals THE LABOR MOVEMENT OF EL SALVADOR AND THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR: THE 1920S

Author(s):  
Nikolay V. Kurkov
Author(s):  
Donald W. Rogers

This chapter argues that change in the U.S. labor movement from American Federation of Labor (AFL) craft unionism to Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) industrial unionism largely lay behind Jersey City’s opposition to the CIO in 1937, not just Mayor Hague’s supposed antilabor inclinations. Hague aligned with AFL unions, but Depression and New Deal labor laws weakened them, while boosting CIO industrial unionism and its appeal to suffering Jersey manufacturing workers, including women and African Americans. Moreover, the CIO’s class-conscious culture of “working-class Americanism” clashed with Hague’s ethnicity-based rhetoric of “Patriotic Americanism.” Meanwhile, interwar anticommunism intensified Jersey City’s opposition to CIO organizers, who themselves drew on Popular Front rhetoric of antifascism to oppose “dictatorial” regimes like Hague’s. This polarization complicated Jersey City’s reception of the CIO.


2019 ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers

This chapter begins with an overview of the Anti-Asian premise of the labor movement in California during its foundation in the 1880s and carried forward into the twentieth century in trade-union organizing in the state. The chapter then examines two important departures from racist exclusionary organizing in Southern California in 1903. In Los Angeles Mexican laborers formed the Unión Federal Mexicana. In Oxnard, Japanese and Mexican agricultural workers formed the Japanese Mexican Labor Association (JMLA). Anglo socialist members of Los Angeles’s Council of Labor pushed Los Angeles’s trade union body to support both unions with financial and organizing resources. Laborers in Los Angeles and Oxnard also shared resources, but the national American Federation of Labor (AFL) ultimately rejected Japanese membership.


Author(s):  
Arna Bontemps

This chapter discusses the poor working conditions for Negroes and those within the labor movement trying to improve them after emancipation, as reflected in the so-called “slave market” in a Chicago street in 1938. As Negro migrants came from the South, they were often excluded from unions. However, some in the meatpacking and garment industries allowed Negroes into their unions after seeing them used as strikebreakers. This chapter considers some important developments that spoke of advancements for Negro laborers, including the establishment in 1925 of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, made up entirely of Negro porters, in Chicago and eventually admitted into the American Federation of Labor; the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), which organized workers industry-wide and openly recruited Negroes; and the creation of the Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC), which conducted a hearing in Chicago early in 1942 to investigate allegations that several firms practiced discrimination in their employment practices.


Author(s):  
Sharon McConnell-Sidorick

This chapter discusses the early hosiery union and the major strikes of 1919 and 1921 that served to bring two factions of the union together into a united organization within the American Federation of Labor. It looks at the product, the industry expansion, the establishment of a "fighting" treasury and examples of the union's efforts to support the broader labor movement. The chapter also introduces some important union leaders and the organizing campaigns in the South and Midwest, as part of the "follow the shops" movement.


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