The populist political logic and Alexey Navalny’s political discourse

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Nokhrin
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 714-737
Author(s):  
Li-Chang Shuen Cristina Silva Sousa

O artigo traz os resultados referentes ao eixo “Telejornalismo e HGPE” da pesquisa Mediatização das Eleições de 2014 no Maranhão, cujo objetivo geral é identificar os padrões discursivos de construção da viabilidade eleitoral e capital político do candidato Edson Lobão Filho (PMDB) ao governo estadual. O objetivo deste paper específico é estudar a permeabilidade entre a lógica política propagada no HGPE-Lobão Filho e o discurso político-jornalístico do JMTV1, partindo-se da hipótese de que o telejornal e o programa do horário eleitoral se complementaram tanto em relação ao conteúdo (pautas) quanto em relação à estética (formato do conteúdo), constituindo-se, ambos, uma única peça publicitário-eleitoral, sendo uma explícita (o HGPE) e outra velada (JMTV1).   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Horário eleitoral gratuito; jornalismo; política; Maranhão. ABSTRACT The article brings the results referring to the axis “Telejornalismo e HGPE” of the research Mediatização das Eleições de 2014 no Maranhão. The main purpose of the research is to identify discursive patterns to construct electoral viability and political capital to the candidate Edson Lobão Filho (PMDB) running to the governor’s office. The purpose of this paper is to study the permeability between the political logic broadcasted in the HGPE-Lobão and the journalistic-political discourse of the JMTV1. The starting point is that the tv journal and the electoral time program complement one to another both in relation to the content (assignments) and the aesthetics (content format), so, both are a unique electoral-adviser product in which one is explicit (HGPE) and the other is implicit (JMTV1)   KEYWORDS: Free election time; Journalism; Politics; Maranhão.     RESUMEN El artículo trae los resultados referentes al eje “Teleperiodismo y HGPE” de la investigación Mediatización de la elecciones del año 2014, para el Gobierno del Estado de Maranhão, cuyo objetivo general es identificar los estándares discursivos de construcción de la viabilidad electoral y capital político del candidato Edson Lobão Filho (PMDB) al Gobierno del referido estado. El objetivo específico es estudiar la permeabilidad entre la lógica política propagada en el HGPE- Lobão Filho y el discurso político- periodístico del JMTV1, basándose en la hipótesis de que el noticiero y la franja electoral se complementan, tanto en lo que se refiere a contenido (pautas), cuando a relación a la estética (formato del contenido), constituyendo en una única pieza publicitario- electoral, siendo una explícita y otra velada (JMTV1).   PALABRAS CLAVE: Franja electoral gratuita; periodismo, política; Maranhão.


2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Martin Eisinger ◽  
Graham Neray
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


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