political capital
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2022 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 743
Author(s):  
Adriana Eugenia Suárez ◽  
Isabel Gutiérrez-Montes ◽  
Fausto Andrés Ortiz-Morea ◽  
Juan Carlos Suárez ◽  
Julio Di Rienzo ◽  
...  

Coffee cultivation is one of the main agricultural activities in Colombia, which increases the well-being of coffee-growing families. In order to determine the impact of coffee production, the capital endowment and well-being of coffee-growing families in the municipality of Pitalito, in the south of Colombia, were analyzed using the community capital index (CCI). Likewise, the relationships between the variables were identified through a Pearson correlation analysis, and the increase in well-being was identified and modeled by employing structural equations. The structural equation model showed a suitable fit to the data, indicated by the non-significant value of the χ2 statistic (p = 0.85), a high CFI (0.97), a low RMSEA (<0.001), a low stability index (0.23) and a low variance inflation factor (VIF = 1.42). At the capital level, political capital in synergy with social capital increased the well-being of coffee-growing families; meanwhile, capitals such as natural and physical-built capital did not have the greatest impact on well-being. Political capital variables such as the “possession of the coffee identification card” (CPI), as well as the variable “participates in the activities carried out by the community action board of the village” (PAC), increased by 9.9% and 8.66%, respectively, in the well-being of coffee-growing families measured by the CCI. The social capital variables that boosted the CCI were the benefits of the National Federation of Coffee Growers (FNC) (BFN, %V(variation): 8.32) and associativity (Aso, %V: 7.51). Other variables that make up human capital with high incidence in the CCI were family size (FSi) and the number of people who can read in the family (FLE) with a variation of 9.12% and 8.6%, respectively. However, other variables such as labor cost for disease management (CDM) and labor cost for harvesting (HCL) had no significant effect on the variation of the CCI. It was found that the level of well-being increases due to variables such as associativity and participation in grassroots organizations in the community, such as being a member of the National Federation of Coffee Growers, a quality represented by the possession of a coffee identification card that, in synergy with other variables, reduce inequality and poverty.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
Ansar Ansar ◽  
Muradi Muradi ◽  
Ferry Kurnia Rizkiansyah

This paper aims to determine the capital utilization of a newcomer candidate who wins in an electoral district that has just been expanded, the problem is focused on how aspects of social capital, political capital and economic capital of a newcomer actor. In order to approach this problem, the theoretical reference from Bordieu (1992) and Maridjan (2006) data collected through field data and documentation is used and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that Dedi Sitorus's victory was due to having more than one capital. There are several important fundamental considerations such as: first, Dedi Sitorus' social capital has a Social Network in the Nunukan community, Second, Dedi Sitorus' political capital has support from parties starting from the central level and also the DPC administrator at the Nunukan Regency level and also the support from regional authorities and also figures Local Politics, Third Economic Capital Dedi Sitorus has very large finances so he does not need donors to carry out his campaign and has the ability to rent air transportation to carry out mobility in campaigns. With the accumulation of all the capital owned, Dedi Sitorus can take advantage and use the moment well so that he gets a significant vote in the 2019 legislative elections.


Significance Signs of modest domestic economic recovery will not offset the drivers of outmigration. Xenophobia and populist agitation are fuelling violence against Venezuelan and other migrants, as most recently seen in Chile’s presidential election contest. Impacts Near-term government continuity in Venezuela suggests that migrant outflows will continue. As governments turn to more restrictive immigration strategies, current patterns of intra-regional migration will intensify. Politicians in the region will increasingly leverage political capital from anti-immigrant sentiment.


Land ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 1363
Author(s):  
Haojing Shen ◽  
Yan Song ◽  
Changchun Feng ◽  
Zhengying Shan

This study examined the influence of political capital on the migration behavior of peasant households in China’s equitable urbanization. While existing research has proven that political capital can increase the wages of migrant workers, leading to a higher possibility of their rural-to-urban migration, the direct impact of political capital on migration behavior has not received sufficient attention. As China is one of the largest emerging economies, the impact of political capital on the economy and political transformation is typical. This paper reports a survey of 1120 farmer households from Xinxiang, a traditional agricultural area in central China. Using a binary logit model to test whether peasant households will migrate and a multinomial logit model to test where they will migrate to, this study examined whether political capital had a significant influence on the migration behavior of peasant households. The results suggest that the peasant households with political capital have a higher possibility of moving to urban areas, even though there is a better habitational option, namely, a new village in the local rural area. This suggests that reducing the difference in the political capital of migrants through policy propaganda and other methods is an efficient and effective way to achieve and improve equitable access to urbanization.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Turner

<div>In Good Ideas from Successful Cities: Municipal Leadership in Immigrant Integration, we share nearly 40 international good practices from cities across Canada, the US, Europe and Australasia. These are stories about local governments that are responding to community needs across a wide field of action and investing in immigration’s new social, economic, cultural and political capital to build open, inclusive cities and shared urban prosperity.</div>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Turner

<div>In Good Ideas from Successful Cities: Municipal Leadership in Immigrant Integration, we share nearly 40 international good practices from cities across Canada, the US, Europe and Australasia. These are stories about local governments that are responding to community needs across a wide field of action and investing in immigration’s new social, economic, cultural and political capital to build open, inclusive cities and shared urban prosperity.</div>


2021 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2110587
Author(s):  
Mariana Borges Martins da Silva ◽  
Malu A. C. Gatto

What happens when a traditional source of political capital becomes a health hazard? Stigmatized electoral practices, such as vote buying, are a double-edged sword: While these strategies may signal candidates’ electoral strength, they may also entail reputational costs. In normal times, street campaigns are a non-stigmatized electoral practice. During the Covid-19 pandemic, however, they imposed health risks. Employing data from a national survey experiment conducted in Brazil prior to the 2020 municipal elections ( N = 2025), we extend research on the employment of stigmatized campaigns and the gendered dynamics of electoral viability. We find that voters evaluate candidates who engage in face-to-face activities as less electorally viable and report lower intent to support them. These dynamics do not impact all candidates equally: Voters more harshly punish women candidates who conduct street campaigns than men, leading women to lose the advantage they have over men when both employ non-stigmatized campaign practices.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147-163
Author(s):  
George Pagoulatos

EMU was a brainchild of contrasting parental personalities. Integrationist European ambition joined disparate national pursuits to create an imperfect EMU architecture, though one amenable to correction through crises. When the debt crisis hit the periphery, recessionary national adjustment was supported by insufficient Eurozone-level reforms. The EU opted for incremental crisis management and paid a price in terms of fragmentation. The Eurozone debt crisis bequeathed a contradictory legacy of both raising the visibility of the reform agenda and raising the bar of political difficulty in bringing it about, having divided Europe between (heartless) ‘creditor’ and (reckless) ‘borrower’ countries. By raising the stakes of EU failure, the Covid-19 crisis operated as a reform accelerator. The joint reaction demonstrated that the EU maintained its survival instinct, drawing on the political capital invested in its preservation. The Eurozone’s reform conundrum remains the glaring gap between what is widely admitted as necessary and what is realized as politically feasible. Consecutive reform attempts have been frustrated by country coalitions that resist movement towards further risk sharing (through the fiscal, financial or monetary channel) or deny any further transfer of national autonomy. There are ways out of the EMU straitjacket. One is formally deferring the rules. Another is saying things without doing them. A third strategy is doing things without saying them. The momentous leap of ‘Next Generation EU’ notwithstanding, EMU remains incomplete, even though confidence in its ability to survive has been greatly boosted by its resilience in the face of the two severe, consecutive crises.


2021 ◽  
pp. 108-123
Author(s):  
Panos Valavanis

Greek athletics were of high political significance in view of their place in religion and communal festivals. This is reviewed in terms of votive offerings; the status of a group, a ruler, or an individual within a community; interstate rivalries, colonization and state formation; elite status, kudos, and political capital, especially in chariot-racing. The examples of Cleisthenes of Sikyon and the Alcmaeonids of Athens, among others, are discussed. The rivalry of Athens and Sparta in athletics and chariot events is also examined, e.g. the cases of the Spartans Lichas, Cynisca, and Agesilaus, and the Athenian Alcibiades. The participation of ‘peripheral’ Greek cities (Italy, Sicily, Cyrene) in Panhellenic games bolstered their Greek identity and served their rulers too. Macedonian rulers, e.g. Alexander I, Philip II and Alexander the Great, notably took part in Greek games for the fifth century on, and so asserted their Greek identity and their domain. The Panathenaic Games served political aims not only for Athenian elite, but also for Ptolemies and Macedonians.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick Mario Fales

Particularly interesting textual evidence on the use of the veil in ancient Mesopotamia comes from 15th-14th century BC Assyria. No comprehensive code of laws has reached us from this age, but only a collection of 14 tablets, which are named ad hoc “Middle Assyrian Laws”, from the religious and political capital Aššur. Veiling was prescribed for appearances in public of married women, even if widows, but also applied to the vaster class of women who were ‘Assyrian’, i.e. of free status and native-born. On the other hand, prostitutes had no right to wear a veil, and severe punishments were foreseen for transgression; and the same applied to slave women. These harsh rulings on the veil and other matters in the “Middle Assyrian Laws” do not, curiously enough, find counterparts in the contemporaneous legal deeds, which show women endowed with a much more liberal status. Perhaps the “Laws” reflected normative codifications applying to the stricter moral and intellectual ‘climate’ of the city of Aššur, dominated by its temple and royal palace.


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