scholarly journals Motion event and deictic motion verbs as path-conflating verbs

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tsuneko Nakazawa
Keyword(s):  
Lexical Semantics ◽  
Formal Analysis ◽  
Motion Verbs ◽  
Verb Phrase ◽  
Motion Event ◽  
The Difference

This paper attempts to decompose the Motion event into such elements as Figure, Path, Vector, and Ground based upon Talmy's framework, which makes it possible to formally analyze and compare the lexical semantics of the deictic motion verbs within and across languages. It is shown that the difference in interpretations of the Path is attributable to the lexical specifications of both deictic motion verbs and locative phrases. It is argued that deictic motion verbs can be lexically specified for the entailment of arrival only if they express the Path eventually directed to the deictic center. A formal analysis is given based upon the HPSG framework in order to identify the elements of a Motion event contributed by each element of a verb phrase, and to determine the compositional fashion in which they are combined to give the interpretation of the verb phrase as a whole.

The goal bias revisited: A collostructional approach

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anatol Stefanowitsch
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Cognitive Bias ◽  
Lexical Semantics ◽  
Information Value ◽  
Motion Verbs ◽  
Motion Events ◽  
Human Actions ◽  
Large Sample ◽  
Motion Event ◽  
General Goal

Abstract There is a goal bias in the description of motion events: adverbials specifying goals are preferred over adverbials specifying source. Two broad explanations have been suggested to account for this: first, a general cognitive bias towards the aims of human actions, and second, the higher information value of goal adverbials in conceptualizing a motion event in its entirety. The second explanation predicts that the goal bias should be verb-specific. In particular, verbs whose lexical semantics focus on trajectories or sources of motion events (such as stroll and escape respectively), should not display a goal bias but instead prefer adverbials corresponding to this focus. Stefanowitsch and Rohde (2004) present case studies of ten English motion verbs that confirm this prediction. The current study takes up this research and complements it with a collostructional analysis over a large sample of 248 English motion verbs. The study shows, first, that goal adverbials dominate among strongly-associated pairs of motion verbs and prepositions in the English Intransitive Motion Construction, confirming a general goal bias for this construction; and second, that while goal adverbials are significantly associated with generic motion verbs as well as motion verbs specifying trajectories, trajectory adverbials and goal adverbials are significantly associated with trajectory- and goal-oriented verbs respectively, adding largescale quantitative confirmation to the previous study.

Motion Verbs with Locational/Directional PPs in English and Japanese

2002 ◽  
Vol 47 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 187-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shunji Inagaki
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Relational Structure ◽  
Motion Verbs ◽  
Directed Motion ◽  
Motion Event ◽  
Syntactic Approach ◽  
Motion Verb ◽  
The Difference

AbstractAccording to Talmy’s typology of “lexicalization patterns” for a motion event, English is the type of language that conflates Motion and Manner in the verb root, whereas Japanese is the type of language that conflates Motion and Path in the verb root. This article provides an explanation for why there is such a difference between English and Japanese within the framework of Hale and Keyser’s syntactic approach to argument structure. It extends Hale and Keyser’s approach to motion verbs and locational/directional Ps in English and Japanese and shows that given a “Lexical Relational Structure” of a motion event, the difference between English and Japanese derives from the fact that the former has a variety of directional Ps, allowing the insertion of a manner-of-motion verb into the Motion V, whereas the latter has a variety of directed motion verbs with the Path P incorporated into the Motion V. This suggests that Talmy’s lexicalization patterns are constrained by general syntactic principles.

Theoretical framework

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Huber
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Construction Grammar ◽  
Motion Verbs ◽  
Motion Event ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Constructionist Approach ◽  
Manner Verbs

Chapter 2 provides an introduction to the motion encoding typology as proposed by Talmy, Slobin, and others (manner- and path-conflating languages, different types of framing and their concomitant characteristics). It argues that this typology is highly compatible with a construction grammar framework, points out the differences, and shows that particularly from the diachronic perspective taken in this study, the constructionist approach has advantages over the originally lexicalist approach of the motion typology. The chapter also provides a discussion of the different categories of motion verbs used in this study (manner verbs, path verbs, neutral motion verbs, and verbs that do not evoke a motion event on their own, but can receive a contextual motion reading).

scholarly journals A formal analysis of some factor- and precedent-based accounts of precedential constraint

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Prakken
Keyword(s):  
Formal Analysis ◽  
Simple Factor ◽  
The Difference

AbstractIn this paper several recent factor- and dimension-based models of precedential constraint are formally investigated and an alternative dimension-based model is proposed. Simple factor- and dimension-based syntactic criteria are identified for checking whether a decision in a new case is forced, in terms of the relevant differences between a precedent and a new case, and the difference between absence of factors and negated factors in factor-based models is investigated. Then Horty’s and Rigoni’s recent dimension-based models of precedential constraint are critically examined. An alternative to their reason models is proposed which is less expressive but arguably easier to apply in practice.

Dutch manner of motion verbs: Disentangling auxiliary choice, telicity and syntactic function

2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maaike Beliën,
Keyword(s):  
Local Analysis ◽  
Cognitive Grammar ◽  
Motion Verbs ◽  
Prepositional Phrases ◽  
General Consensus ◽  
Motion Event ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
Syntactic Function ◽  
Syntactic Status

AbstractDutch manner of motion verbs play a prominent role in the literature on unaccusativity. As these verbs can take both hebben ‘have’ and zijn ‘be’ as their perfective auxiliaries, they are considered to show both unergative and unaccusative behavior. The general consensus is that these verbs normally take hebben, yet occur with zijn if they are ‘telicized’ by an endpoint, and that the auxiliaries are diagnostics for the syntactic status of prepositional phrases (PPs). The paper presents attested data that reveal that this generalization is untenable: there are examples that take the opposite auxiliary from what the generalization predicts. To account for the full set of data, the paper takes a cognitive-grammar perspective, arguing that auxiliary choice, telicity and syntactic status of PPs are independent issues requiring their own explanations. Auxiliary choice is analyzed in terms of alternate construals of a motion event: with hebben as a type of act and with zijn as a change of location. In this manner, the paper adds to a growing body of literature that questions the usefulness of the coarse unergative–unaccusative distinction, advocating a ‘local analysis’ instead.

The Äiwoo verb phrase: Syntactic ergativity without pivots

2014 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-106
Author(s):  
ÅSHILD NÆSS
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Evolution ◽  
Linguistic Diversity ◽  
Formal Models ◽  
Universal Functions ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Argument Position ◽  
Verb Phrase ◽  
Privileged Status ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Vp Structure

Formal models of syntax typically accord the structural position external to the verb's domain a privileged status in the overall syntactic makeup of a language, either by assuming that external arguments are always S or A, or by linking external argument position to syntactic pivothood. This paper demonstrates that the Oceanic language Äiwoo has an ergative verb phrase – i.e. A as the VP-internal argument and S/O as external arguments – but no corresponding S/O pivot. That is, the ergative structure of the verb phrase in Äiwoo does not entail any syntactically privileged status of the VP-external arguments; rather, it is simply a by-product of various diachronic developments. This situation shows that what has traditionally been perceived as fundamental differences in grammatical organisation – the difference between an accusative and an ergative pattern of VP structure – need not in fact be associated with any broader differences in syntactic or pragmatic structure. More importantly, it goes against the assumption that it is possible to assign universal functions to syntactic configurations. Instead, it can be seen as providing support for the view argued for by Evans & Levinson (2009: 444) that ‘most linguistic diversity is the product of historical cultural evolution operating on relatively independent traits’.

Going beyond motion events typology: The case of Basque as a verb-framed language

2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Iraide Ibarretxe-Antuñano
Keyword(s):  
Motion Verbs ◽  
High Tolerance ◽  
Motion Events ◽  
Lexical Resources ◽  
Language Typology ◽  
Written Narratives ◽  
Motion Event ◽  
New Information ◽  
Different Types

AbstractThe concept of motion is present in all the world’s languages. However, the ways in which speakers of different languages codify motion do not seem to be so universal. Languages offer different types of structures to express motion, and speakers pay attention to different elements within the motion event. The goal of this paper is to examine in great detail how motion events are described and expressed in Basque oral and written narratives. This study focuses on three main areas: motion verbs, elaboration of Manner and elaboration of Path. Although Basque can be classified in Talmy’s terms as a verb-framed language, it is argued that it is not a prototypical example of this group with respect to the lexicalisation of Path. Unlike other verb-framed languages, the description of Path in Basque motion events is very frequent and detailed, not only in situations when it adds new information, but also in pleonastic cases. This characteristic seems to be related to Basque’s rich lexical resources for motion and space, as well as to its high tolerance for verb omission. On the basis of these data, the scope of Talmy’s binary typology is questioned. It is suggested that the verb- and satellite-framed language typology should be revised in order to account for these intra-typological differences.

scholarly journals Influence of the mode of reproduction on dispersal evolution during species invasion

2020 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 120-134
Author(s):  
Vincent Calvez ◽  
Joachim Crevat ◽  
Léonard Dekens ◽  
Benoit Fabrèges ◽  
Frédéric Kuczma ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Reproduction ◽  
Formal Analysis ◽  
Propagation Speed ◽  
Reaction Diffusion ◽  
Equation Modeling ◽  
Asexual Population ◽  
Acceleration Rate ◽  
Non Local ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Dispersal Evolution

We consider a reaction-diffusion-reproduction equation, modeling a population which is spatially heterogeneous. The dispersion of each individuals is influenced by its phenotype. In the literature, the asymptotic propagation speed of an asexual population has already been rigorously determined. In this paper we focus on the difference between the asexual reproduction case, and the sexual reproduction case, involving a non-local term modeling the reproduction. This comparison leads to a different invasion speed according to the reproduction. After a formal analysis of both cases, leading to a heuristic of the asymptotic behaviour of the invasion fronts, we give some numerical evidence that the acceleration rate of the spatial spreading of a sexual population is slower than the acceleration rate of an asexual one. The main difficulty to get sharper results on a transient comes from the non-local sexual reproduction term.

The proto-motion event schema: Integrating Lexical Semantics and Morphological Sequencing

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 503-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liu Meichun ◽  
Tsai Hsin-shan ◽  
Hu Chia-yin ◽  
Chou Shu-ping
Keyword(s):  
Lexical Semantics ◽  
Motion Event
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