Einleitung

ZusammenfassungGenres besitzen eine signifikante Sichtbarkeit, die uns unmittelbar erkennen lässt, um was für einen Film, eine Serie, eine Fernsehsendung, ein Buch oder ein Videospiel es sich handelt. Sie verfügen über eine alltägliche Evidenz, die uns zwischen medialen Texten Ähnlichkeiten annehmen lässt. „We all know a genre when we see one“, (27) beschreibt Rick Altman dieses Phänomen in seinem vielzitierten Aufsatz „A Semantic/Syntactic Approach“.

Unknown Suns: Laszlo Hudec, Antonin Raymond and the Rising of a Modern Architecture for Eastern Asia

The purpose of this article is to disclose the strenuous efforts of Laszlo Hudec in China and Antonin Raymond in Japan and India to create a modern architectural stance by heralding an incipient space syntax. In the turn of the 19th Century, for dynastic, politic and economic reasons, Eastern Asia had very little modern Architecture. It is a surprising fact that, out of happenstance, two European architects Antonin Raymond and Laszlo Hudec, had to intervene to remedy this situation, to the point of becoming 20th Century icons in Japan and China. Their fruitful careers spanned over thirty years and included locations, like Tamil Nadu or the Philippines. The Oriental territories were not an easy ground for the bold architectural achievements that they produced. Despite of faraway strangeness and uncountable personal losses, in revolutions and wars, which eventually forced them both to leave for the United States of America and never to return, they were successful in the manner of establishing a broad avenue for Modern Asian Architecture which is still recognisable today thanks to their systematic approach. However, theirs is an endangered heritage and the intention of this article is to be a just remembrance of in which way such actions could be performed, how they predated by many years a syntactic approach to architectural composition and why their legacy should be preserved.

THE ONTOLOGICAL FEATURES OF VERB PHRASES IN NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC’S VISIONS OF MARS

Verb Phrase (VP) is one of the most important types of phrase for its function. It provides information about the subject of the sentence. Verb Phrase itself has more than one type. It also has ontological aspect, an aspect by which a certain situation is represented. This aspect is made up by features. This study aims at finding out and analyzing the types of VP and their ontological features in National Geographic’s Visions of Mars. By analyzing and understanding the types of VP and their ontological features, readers understand the discourse more. They gain more perspective syntactically. This study employs syntactic approach and is qualitative in nature. The results yield three different types of VP, i.e. action, process, and state where action VP places the highest position. There are four ontological features found in Visions of Mars, i.e. dynamic, agentive, non-evolving, and evolving. The findings imply how Visions of Mars is structured. The deeds are mostly conducted or done by an agent and show prompt situations.

Why do we need another book about unbounded dependencies? A review article on Chaves & Putnam’s Unbounded Dependency Constructions

Unbounded dependencies (UDs), in wh-interrogatives, relative clauses and other constructions, have been a major focus of syntactic research for more than half a century. The most widely assumed approach analyzes them in terms of movement and views island phenomena as largely a matter of syntax. Both these positions are problematic. Moreover, they stem from assumptions that have been at the heart of syntactic theorizing for many decades. Chaves and Putnam present evidence that both the dominant approach to UDs and the general approach to syntax from which it derives are flawed. They argue for a non-movement approach to UDs and a largely non-syntactic approach to island phenomena, and for an approach to syntax which has the relation between linguistic knowledge and language use and the complexity of acceptability judgements as central concerns. Their book is an important one that could have a major impact both on research on UDs and on syntactic research more generally.

Resultatives and low depictives in English

We argue against a purely semantic account of the Unique Path Constraint (Goldberg, Adele. 1991. It can’t go down the chimney up: Paths and the English resultative. In Proceedings of the seventeenth annual meeting of the Berkeley, 368–378. Linguistics Society), i.e., the constraint that there can only be one result state in a single clause, and in favor of a syntactic restriction regarding event structure. We propose, following Mateu, Jaume & Víctor Acedo-Matellán. 2012. The manner/result complementarity revisited: A syntactic approach. In M. Cristina Cuervo & Yves Roberge (eds.), The end of argument structure? Syntax and semantics, 209–228. New York: Academic Press, that structurally there can only be one result predicate per clause since the little v head selects for one result predicate as its complement. In order to make our claim, we provide novel data that violate the Unique Path Constraint defined as a semantic constraint. Further, we analyze examples that at first blush pose a problem for the present account as they appear to involve two result phrases, e.g., shot him dead off the horse. We argue, however, that the second result phrase is not syntactically a result, but rather constitutes a case of what Acedo-Matellán, Víctor, Josep Ausensi, Josep Maria Fontana & Cristina Real-Puigdollers. forthcoming. Old Spanish resultatives as low depictives. In Chad L. Howe, Timothy Gupton, Margaret Renwick & Pilar Chamorro (eds.), Open romance linguistics 1. Selected papers from the 49th linguistic symposium on romance languages. Berlin: Language Science Press have called low depictives, which join the syntactic derivation through a low applicative head.

On determination of the part-of-speech affiliation of modal words

The subject of this research is the part-of-speech affiliation of modal words – a special group of lexemes that are irreplaceable, syncategorematic, and lack formal unity. The author examines four most widespread approaches towards determination of the part-of-speech status of modal words, modal semantics, in particular, and the function of modal meaning; provides summary of the existing in Russian linguistics classifications of modal words, and lists their basic lexical-semantic categories. In the course of studying the genesis of modal words, the author correlates them with other parts of speech. For determination of the part-of-speech status, emphasis is placed on the degree of manifestation within this group of lexemes of semantic, morphological, syntactic and word-forming characteristics, namely the compliance of modal words with the listed criteria. The novelty consists in the analysis of the part-of-speech affiliation of modal words through the prism of the traditional semantic-syntactic approach, considering the formal-morphological aspect of modal words, which allows accumulating the avaliable knowledge on modal words, as well as compiling holistic representation on the nature of their origin and functionality. The research materials can be used in teaching morphology of the modern Russian language, as well as in preparation of lectures and textbooks on cognate disciplines. The conclusion is made that in synchrony, modal words represent an isolated group that is in-between of autosemantic and functional words. The recommendation to classify this group as a separate part of speech remains polemical; however, segregation of modal words in the grammatical system is unarguable.

A theory of higher-order subtyping with type intervals

The calculus of Dependent Object Types (DOT) has enabled a more principled and robust implementation of Scala, but its support for type-level computation has proven insufficient. As a remedy, we propose F ·· ω , a rigorous theoretical foundation for Scala’s higher-kinded types. F ·· ω extends F <: ω with interval kinds , which afford a unified treatment of important type- and kind-level abstraction mechanisms found in Scala, such as bounded quantification, bounded operator abstractions, translucent type definitions and first-class subtyping constraints. The result is a flexible and general theory of higher-order subtyping. We prove type and kind safety of F ·· ω , as well as weak normalization of types and undecidability of subtyping. All our proofs are mechanized in Agda using a fully syntactic approach based on hereditary substitution.

A syntactic approach to gender assignment in Spanish–English bilingual speech

This paper examines gender assignment in Spanish–English bilingual speech and develops a theoretical account of gender features in the bilingual grammar on the basis of the linguistic properties that correlate with gender assignment. An analysis of 76 sociolinguistic interviews from an autonomous bilingual community in Southern Arizona, U.S. (Carvalho 2012) reveals three key findings in terms of gender assignment in Spanish Det–English Noun switched DPs (i.e., el industry ‘the.M.SG’): (i) biological sex categorically determines gender assignment with human-denoting nouns; (ii) frequent inanimate nouns that have Spanish feminine counterparts are feminine in bilingual speech; (iii) masculine is a prevailing default gender. Following Kramer’s (2015) proposal of gender features, it is argued that an interpretable [+/-FEM] feature encodes biological sex in the grammar whereby a category-neutral √ combines with a n hosting an interpretable [+/-FEM] feature and triggers feminine (i.e., la coach ‘the.F.SG’) or masculine (i.e., el stepson ‘the.M.SG’) agreement. Inanimate feminine nouns are associated with an uninterpretable [+FEM] feature as the result of bilingualism (i.e., la school ‘the.F.SG’), and masculine default gender is viewed as an effect of Preminger’ (2009) failed Agree. On the basis of these findings, this paper rejects the distinct-lexicons view of the bilingual language faculty (MacSwan 2000 et seq.) and attempts to substantiate a single-lexicon approach compatible with a realizational (Late Insertion) view of the morphosyntactic model (Halle and Marantz 1993).

The negation of cualquier NP

Even though the interpretation of Free Choice Items such as any has been on debate for more than 50 years (Vendler, 1974, Dayal, 1998, Horn, 2000, etc.), it is relatively more recent in Spanish (Menéndez-Benito, 2005, Giannakidou and Quer, 2013, among others). Some have analyzed it as a universal quantifier, neither taking its free choiceness into account nor contexts which seem to be problematic for the universal account (see, for instance, Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria, 2011). In this article, we defend that cualquier is a universal indeterminate pronoun which involves freedom of choice (as in the original proposal by Vendler, 1974). We will take into account data (taken from https://www.corpusdelespanol.org/web-dial) which has not been properly considered. We will analyze the interaction of negation and cualquier in Rioplantese Spanish in the subject position of negative generic statements, in the object position in negative episodic statements, and in a non argumental position. We will combine an alternative semantics approach to the analysis of the FCI cualquier, inspired in Menéndez-Benito (2010) and Aloni (2019), with a syntactic approach to negation inspired in Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria (2011).

On the argument structure of complex denominal verbs in Latin: a syntactic approach

In this paper I offer a syntactic approach to the formation of complex denominal verbs in Latin. Two basic types of prefixed locative denominal verbs can be distinguished in this language: location ones “agglutinate” a PP expressing location, whereas locatum ones contain a noun expressing the locatum object. Assuming a syntactic distinction between Incorporation and Conflation in denominal verb formation, I claim that prefixed location verbs are formed via Incorporation (i.e. Internal Merge), whereas prefixed locatum verbs are formed via Conflation (i.e. External Merge). Unprefixed locative verbs can only be interpreted as locatum predicates, but unlike prefixed locatum verbs, they are analyzed as involving a possessive relation and as being formed via incorporation. The present approach also provides an explanation of why Romance locatum verbs, unlike location ones, are not necessarily prefixed. It is also claimed that unprefixed and prefixed locatum verbs in Romance are formed via incorporation rather than via conflation, its reason being related to the typological shift from the presence of a typical conflation pattern in satellite-framed Latin to a lack of it in verb-framed Romance languages. Finally, I show that Latin prefixed denominal verbs and prefixed deadjectival ones are all telic and project a ResultP in syntax. In contrast, this projection can be argued to be absent from unprefixed denominal and deadjectival verbs.