CATALYSTS OF BARBARIZATION AND DEBARBARIZATION IN CLASSICAL ATHENS

2021 ◽  
pp. 151-168
Author(s):  
И.Е. СУРИКОВ
Keyword(s):  
Good Reason ◽  
Radical Democracy ◽  
Peloponnesian War ◽  
Athenian Democracy ◽  
Reverse Motion

В качестве факторов, способствовавших нарастанию варваризации в Афинах второй полвины V в. до н.э., в статье указываются создание Афинской морской державы, движение софистов, конфликт поколений, Пелопоннесская война, наступление «эры демагогов». Обратное же движение в сторону деварваризации (с самого конца Vв. до н.э.) было связано в первую очередь с возрождением уважения к законности, с укреплением стабильности и порядка. Новая афинская демократия IV в. до н.э., которую одни специалисты считают «усовершенствованным» вариантом по сравнению с демократией предшествующего столетия, а другие, напротив, ее упадком, кризисом, была в основном свободна как от охлократических, так и от олигархических тенденций; она может с полным основанием быть определена как умеренная демократия, в отличие от радикальной демократии второй половины V в. до н.э. Конфликтов не то чтобы не было, но их старались разрешать мирным путем, по возможности достигая компромисса и избегая насилия. The article cites as factors, which promoted the growth of barbarization in Athens in the last half of the 5thcentury B.C., the following ones: the emergence of the Athenian Empire, the sophistic movement, the conflict of generations, the Peloponnesian War, and the coming of the “era of demagogues”. As to the reverse motion towards debarbarization (from the very end of the 5th century B.C.), it was connected, in the first instance, with revival of the lawfulness’ authority and with strengthening order and stability. The new Athenian democracy of the 4thcentury B.C. (which is considered by some scholars an “improved” version as compared with democracy of the previous century, but by other scholars, on the contrary, its decline and crisis) was in general free from both ochlocratic and oligarchic tendencies; it may be with good reason defined as a moderate democracy, as distinct from the radical democracy of the last half of the 5thcentury B.C. It is not to say that there were no conflicts, but people sought to solve them by peaceful way, as far as possible, to reach compromises and to avoid violence.

Thucydides (fl. c.400 BC)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Woodruff
Keyword(s):  
Human Nature ◽  
Peloponnesian War ◽  
Athenian Democracy ◽  
Public Rhetoric ◽  
Political Views

A Greek historian with philosophical interests, Thucydides wrote about the Peloponnesian War between Athens and Sparta (431–404 bc). He elaborates on the decisions of war in brilliantly reconstructed debates and speeches, reflecting his training under various Sophists. Many of these speeches take for granted that people care less for justice than for their own narrow interests. This dark view of human nature influenced Hobbes, while the style of the debates and speeches has had an enduring effect on public rhetoric. His account of Athenian democracy in action is cautionary, and his conservative political views anticipated Aristotle’s in some respects.

The Bases of Periclean Power: The Orator

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Azoulay
Keyword(s):  
Public Speaking ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Peloponnesian War ◽  
Athenian Democracy ◽  
The Masses

This chapter examines another base of Pericles' political power: as orator. In Athens, a city rapidly moving toward democratization, persuasive oratory played a key role. Pericles was a master not only of public speaking but also of the art of remaining silent or, to be more precise, of getting his political allies to speak in his place. The chapter first considers the nature of Pericles' rhetoric and his mastery of the art of persuasion in the context of Athenian democracy before discussing the two complementary facets of Pericles' oratorical skill, authority and pedagogy, through a reading of The Peloponnesian War. It also describes how Pericles limited the number of his public interventions by delegating power in order to strengthen his own authority. The chapter argues that Pericles' measured appearances impressed the masses because they evoked not just an imperial ceremony, but possibly even a form of religious epiphany.

The Population of Athens Again

1959 ◽  
Vol 79 ◽  
pp. 61-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Gomme
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
European Country ◽  
Mortality Rates ◽  
Peloponnesian War ◽  
Age Classes ◽  
Athenian Democracy ◽  
Active Service ◽  
The Subject

Professor A. H. M. Jones in the appendix to his new book (pp. 161–80), Athenian Democracy (see below, p. 182), tackles afresh the problem of the population of Athens during the Peloponnesian war, and introduces three novelties: that the 13,000 hoplites of Thucydides ii 13.6 mean hoplites of the age-classes 20 to 39, not 20 to 49 as most of us, if not all, have assumed from Lykourgos, Leokrates 39–40, and some other evidence; that klerouchoi (but not apoikoi) remained in Athens, drawing rents from their kleroi in the subject states, all now within the hoplite census and included in the 13,000; and, the most important of the three, that to get a true picture of mortality rates and so of the relative strengths of different age-classes we must liken the Athenians to certain groups of persons in the Roman Empire between the first and third centuries A.D. and to India at the beginning of the present century, not to any European country during the last hundred years.Jones takes me to task for suggesting that the at first sight surprising number of ‘oldest and youngest’ in the reserve to whom during the war was allotted the defence of the walls (Thuc. ii 13.7) was in part to be accounted for by the inclusion of all those in the classes 20 to 49 who were not fit for active service in the hoplite ranks, who would be a source of weakness rather than of strength to an army. ‘There are serious objections to this theory’, he says (p. 162). ‘It is in the first place not what Thucydides says. Secondly, it is pure speculation, unsupported by any evidence.’ ‘Let us then’, he adds, ‘set aside this theory and examine the facts afresh.’ This promises well.

The Funeral Speech, A Study of Values

1973 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Walcot
Keyword(s):  
Fifth Century ◽  
First Year ◽  
Peloponnesian War ◽  
Greek Literature ◽  
Athenian Democracy ◽  
Gettysburg Address ◽  
Method Of Instruction

Since no one doubts the pre-eminence of Socrates as a teacher, there is much, presumably, to be said in favour of his method of instruction. The picture of Socrates to be gained from the earlier dialogues of Plato is one of a man who consistently challenged orthodox opinions. In the same way, but, of course, with nothing like the Athenian's skill, I propose in what follows to react against a commonly accepted view; to be precise, I wish to scrutinize the opinion that the Funeral Speech, delivered by Pericles at the end of the first year of the Peloponnesian War and known to us from Thucydides, presents the reader with a splendid portrait of fifth-century Athens, and that, in stressing the spirit rather than the forms of Athenian democracy, it qualifies as the ancient equivalent of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address. We all idealize the ancient Greeks; we ignore the harsh realities and prefer to concentrate our attention on what we see as the grandeur of Aeschylus, the splendour of the Parthenon, and the vision of Pericles; and it is the Funeral Speech, beyond everything else in Greek literature, which allows us to indulge in this type of escapism. That the Funeral Speech does have a ‘glorious’ reputation is a fact. Does it deserve so uncritical a fame ? If this question is posed, I ask it not from any perverted desire to debunk its reputation, but simply in order to gain a deeper understanding not only of the speech but also of the Greeks to whom it was addressed and of the particular statesman who delivered it.

The Development of the Second Spartan Empire

1930 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. W. Parke
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Second Empire ◽  
Peloponnesian War ◽  
Athenian Democracy ◽  
Of Greece

παρειλήΦασι ϒἀρ ψευδῆ λόϒον, ὡς ἒστιν αὐτοῖς ἡϒεῖσθαι πἀτριον This is Isocrates' judgment (IV. 18) on the claim of the Spartans to be the leaders of Greece. He rightly saw that the tradition of hegemony had been the force behind most of Sparta's active foreign policy for more than two hundred years down till his own day. He might truthfully have added that the hegemony exercised by contemporary Sparta was of a kind which Spartans no more than a generation earlier had never imagined. Though they had long desired to control all Greece, the particular form of control which they came to possess over the members of their second empire was determined for them by the Peloponnesian war.Sparta did not enter upon that long struggle with the deliberate intention of creating for herself a subject empire. She desired to destroy the Athenian ἀρχή, which appeared as a threat to her own Peloponnesian league: and in opposition to Athens, she asserted a principle of city autonomy, which was to prove both then and later wholly incompatible with the conception of a subject empire. At the outset, the Spartans can have contemplated no higher success than that the Athenian democracy might be so humbled as to abandon part, at least, of its ἀρχή and perhaps even to return to its earlier position as a member of the Peloponnesian league. But the war with Athens compelled Sparta to develop her social, political, and military organisation, and the conquest of Athens offered Sparta the temptation of securing a new kind of supremacy—not ἡγεμονία, but ἀρχή.

Analisis Kemampuan Penalaran Matematis Mahasiswa Calon Guru Matematika Sebagai Kajian Evaluasi

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanifah Nurus Sopiany
Keyword(s):  
High School Students ◽  
Secondary School ◽  
Mathematical Reasoning ◽  
Mathematics Learning ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
School Level ◽  
Real Analysis ◽  
Reasoning Ability ◽  
School Students ◽  
Secondary School Level

Penalaran matematis menggunakan pola pikir logis dalam menganalisa suatu masalah yang nanti pada akhirnya akan ditandai dengan aktivitas menyimpulkan atas masalah tersebut. Seseorang yang memiliki penalaran yang baik, tentunya akan berhati-hati dalam bertindak dan memutuskan sesuatu. Materi-materi pada kalkulus merupakan materi yang ada pada tingkat sekolah menengah yang nantinya menjadi lahan mengajar mahasiswa calon guru matematika S-1. Kemampuan penalaran yang dikaji mempengaruhi pembelajaran mahasiswa kedepannya karena berlaku pada matakuliah lanjut, contohnya pada kemampuan pembuktian akan selalu digunakan pada matakuliah persamaan diferensial, struktur aljabar, analisis  vektor, analisis real, dll. Sedangkan sebagai calon guru yang nantinya mengajar pada tingkat sekolah menengah, maka kemampuan penalaran ini menjadi salah satu capaian pembelajaran matematika bagi siswa sekolah menengah, maka oleh karena itu guru yang mengajarnya haruslah memiliki kemampuan penalaran yang baik. Analisis kesalahan sangat penting untuk melakukan evaluasi dan refleksi pada struktur soal maupun pada perlakuan dalam pembelajaran dalam upaya memperbaiki kemampuan penalarannya.   Mathematical reasoning uses a logical mindset in analyzing a problem that will eventually be marked by concluding activity on the problem. Someone who has good reason, will certainly be careful in acting and deciding something. The material content on the calculus is the material that exists at the secondary school level which will become the field of teaching the prospective master of math teacher bachelor. The reasoning ability studied influences student learning in the future as it applies to advanced courses, for example in the ability of proof will always be used in the course of differential equations, algebraic structure, vector analysis, real analysis, etc. While as a teacher candidate who will teach at the secondary school level, then this reasoning ability becomes one of the achievements of mathematics learning for high school students, therefore teachers who teach it must have good reasoning ability. Error analysis is very important to evaluate and reflect on the problem structure as well as on the treatment in learning in order to improve the reasoning ability.

King William and the Brecc Bennach in 1211: reliquary or holy banner?

2015 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Sharpe
Keyword(s):  
Good Reason ◽  
National Museum ◽  
The Real ◽  
Real Nature

In his Rhind Lectures of 1879 Joseph Anderson argued for identifying the Monymusk Reliquary, now in the National Museum of Scotland, with the Brecc Bennach, something whose custody was granted to Arbroath abbey by King William in 1211. In 2001 David H. Caldwell called this into question with good reason. Part of the argument relied on different interpretations of the word uexillum, ‘banner’, taken for a portable shrine by William Reeves and for a reliquary used as battle-standard by Anderson. It is argued here that none of this is relevant to the question. The Brecc Bennach is called a banner only as a guess at its long-forgotten nature in two late deeds. The word brecc, however, is used in the name of an extant reliquary, Brecc Máedóc, and Anderson was correct to think this provided a clue to the real nature of the Brecc Bennach. It was almost certainly a small portable reliquary, of unknown provenance but associated with St Columba. The king granted custody to the monks of Arbroath at a time when he was facing a rebellion in Ross, posing intriguing questions about his intentions towards this old Gaelic object of veneration.

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