THE BAPTISM OF CLOVIS AS A SOCIOCULTURAL TRIGGER FOR THE MEROVINGIAN POLITICS

Author(s):  
А.А. САЗОНОВА

В статье исследуется расхождение между modus vivendi меровингских королей и нормами светских и церковных законов в области внутрисемейных и брачных отношений в VI веке в условиях подчинения идеологической сферы церковному институту. Крещение Хлодвига и христианизация франкского общества были пристрастно изображены Григорием Турским в его труде с многочисленными умолчаниями и искажениями. Выдвигается гипотеза о связи умолчания в «Истории франков» о дате крещения Хлодвига с регентским правлением Хродехильды при несовершеннолетних сыновьях. За брачными одеждами запрещенных союзов (с вдовой брата и сестрой жены, с мачехой и близкой родственницей) у Меровингов скрывались политические заговоры (дело Претекстата, обвинение Григория Турского в клевете на Фредегонду) и ожесточенная борьба за власть. Предлагаются новые интерпретации спорных исторических событий. The article examines the discrepancy between the modus vivendi of the Merovingian kings and the norms of secular and ecclesiastical laws in the field of family and marital relations in the sixth century in the conditions of subordination of the ideological sphere to the church institution. Gregory of Tours represented with prejudice the Christianization of Frankish society in his historical work with numerous eliminations and distortions. My hypothesis discloses the connection between the concealment about the date of Clovis’s baptism in the Decem Libri Historiarum and Clothild’s regency with minor sons. Behind the wedding clothes of incestuous marriages (including brother’s widow, wife’s sister, stepmother, cousin) the Merovingians were hiding political conspiracies (the trial of Bishop Praetextatus, the accusation of Gregory of Tours the spreading rumours about Fredegund) and a fierce struggle for power. New interpretations of controversial historical events are proposed.

2019 ◽  
pp. 56-85
Author(s):  
L.V. Chernina

Статья посвящена разновидностям религиозного обращения в Кастилии в 13м веке, главным образом в том виде, в каком они появляются в легальных источниках эры Альфонсина. Заметное еврейское меньшинство существовало в средневековых христианских штатах Пиренейского полуострова наряду с более крупным мусульманским. Церковь и какимто образом государство поощряло членов этих групп принять христианство. Это было главной целью различных мер, некоторые из которых нашли свое отражение в Fuero Real , Especulo и Siete Partidas : защита собственности новообращенных, регулирование брачных отношений в связи с изменением веры, установление наказаний для тех, кто мешает человеку перейти в христианское общество. Особое внимание уделяется отступничеству отказу от христианства для иудаизма или ислама, а также методам противодействия ему, предложенным юристами Альфонсо. Широко распространено мнение, что законы, которые регулировали религиозное обращение в светской правовой теории 13го века, в основном копируют существующий канонический закон. Однако анализ показывает, что на процесс составления законов влияли как церковная традиция, так и непосредственные военные и политические интересы Кастилии.The article is dedicated to the varieties of religious conversion in Castile in the 13th century, mainly as they appear in the legal sources of Alfonsine era. A noticeable Jewish minority existed in medieval Christian states of the Iberian Peninsula alongside with a larger Muslim one. The Church and in some way the State encouraged the members of these groups to adopt Christianity. This was the main purpose of different measures some of which found their reflection in Fuero Real , Especulo and Siete Partidas : protection of the converts property, the regulation of marital relations in connection with the change of faith, establishment of punishments for those who prevent an individual from the conversion to Christian society. Special attention is paid to the apostasy a rejection of Christianity for Judaism or Islam, and to the methods to impede it, suggested by Alfonsos jurists. It is widely agreed that the laws which regulated the religious conversion in the secular legal theory of the 13th century mostly copy the existed canon law. However the analysis demonstrates that the process of composition of laws was influenced both by the ecclesiastic tradition and the immediate military and political interests of Castile.


2013 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 87-98
Author(s):  
John Doran

In the conclusion to his masterly biography of Pope Gregory VII (1073–85), H. E. John Cowdrey notes the paradox that the pope so lionized by modern historians, to the extent that the age of reform bears his name, was largely forgotten in the twelfth century and made little impact on Christian thought, spirituality or canon law. Cowdrey is not alone in his observation that Gregory ‘receded from memory with remarkable speed and completeness’; when he was remembered, it was as a failure and as one who brought decline upon the church. For Cowdrey, the answer to this conundrum lay in the fact that Gregory VII was in fact far closer to the ideals of the sixth century than of the twelfth; he was a Benedictine monk and shared the worldview and oudook of Gregory the Great (590–604) rather than those of the so-called lawyer popes Alexander III (1159–81) and Innocent III (1198–1216). Yet within a century of Gregory’s death he was presented by Cardinal Boso as a model pope, who had overcome a schismatic emperor and the problems which his interference had precipitated in Rome. For Boso, writing for the instruction of the officials of the papal chamber, the very policies set out by Gregory VII were to be pursued and emulated. Far from being a peripheral and contradictory figure, with more in common with the distant past than the near future, Gregory was the perfect guide to the beleaguered Pope Alexander III, who was also struggling against a hostile emperor and his antipope.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-142
Author(s):  
Yakub Hendrawan Perangin Angin ◽  
Tri Astuti Yeniretnowati

Conflict arises in every marriage. It is a part of life that naturally occurs in every household, anywhere, including Christian marriages, even though they are blessed in the church, they are not immune to conflict free. Controlling conflict has an impact on whether the husband and wife relationship is strong in Christian marriages, so knowing the sources of triggers or causes of conflict in a Christian marriage family is very important so that we can anticipate and take conflict resolution in appropriate ways. The method in writing this journal is carried out by analyzing relevant sources from books and research literature, so that application suggestions are obtained for increasing the stronger relationship between husband and wife because they can control conflict well. Husband and wife need to put the reconciliation process that Allah created for the husband and wife relationship to be applied in all marital relations that are disturbed or even damaged.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-54
Author(s):  
Jeffrey von Arx

In the course of his long career (1865–1892) as Archbishop of Westminster and head of England’s Catholic Church, Henry Edward Manning articulated a position on the engagement of voluntary religious organizations like the Church with the liberal state, now understood, at least in the British context, as religiously neutral and responsive to public opinion through increasingly democratic forms of government and mediated through political parties. The greatest test and illustration of this position was his involvement in Irish Home Rule, where he deferred to the Irish hierarchy in their support of Charles Stuart Parnell’s Irish Parliamentary Party against his own inclinations and the immediate interests of the Catholic population in England. Manning’s position was in sharp contrast to that of Pope Leo XIII, who negotiated directly with Otto von Bismarck, and over the heads of the hierarchy and Germany’s Catholic Centre Party, to end the Kulturkampf. Thus Manning worked out a modus vivendi for the Church in relation to the liberal, democratic state that anticipates in many ways the practice of the Church in politics today.


2009 ◽  
Vol 99 ◽  
pp. 92-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fergus Millar

This paper considers the interplay of Latin and Greek in the workings of both State and Church in sixth-century Constantinople, and the way that these two languages are represented in the written records of each. The richest source of evidence is provided by the Acts of the Church Councils and Synods, because at the end of a session, or of a multi-authored document, it was the custom for those involved to make a one-sentence statement of assent in their own handwriting. These processes also leave room for reflections of the use of Syriac (but not for items of actual Syriac text), but of no other language.


2014 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 59-73
Author(s):  
Brenda Bolton

Arriving at the Lateran on 8 January 1198, officials conducted Innocent III (born Lotari dei Conti di Segni) ceremonially to his apartments within the palace, there to rest, pray and dine.’ Foremost amongst his concerns was the household, last reformed by Gregory I (590–604). Whilst Innocent clearly adopted Gregory as his model, both for the shaping of his personal life as pope and for his understanding of the papal office, the young pope’s efforts to make his household as exemplary as that of his great predecessor have not received the attention they undoubtedly deserve. Gregory’s finest Life, composed c.875 by John, a Roman deacon, uses material from the early vitae, thus avoiding the ‘scrappy and grudging’ biography of the Liber pontificalis. Instead, John draws extensively on Gregory’s letters and the crumbling but then still extant papyrus volumes of the Registrum to demonstrate how this pope transformed his household into monastery, hospice and refuge. Three centuries later, the author of the Gesta Innocentii or Deeds of Innocent III could do no better than to adapt portions of John’s Life to highlight reforms not evidenced since the sixth century Like Gregory, Innocent wished to restore the ideas of the apostolic age to the Church. And where better to begin the spiritual renewal than within a reformed household? His inaugural sermon as pope on St Matthew’s faithful and wise servant accords perfectly with John the Deacon’s view of Gregory as paterfamilias Domini, head of the Lord’s household. Innocent, therefore, regarded the household not only as a metaphor for the congregation of the faithful but also, like Gregory before him, as a model to be used by missionaries to plant and nurture the faith throughout Christendom. Whilst the ongoing conversion of Livonia would provide Innocent with a rare opportunity to inculcate the Christian household within a pagan society, in the Patrimony of St Peter he diverged from Gregory’s path by purposeful itineration with his familia, thus initiating a public role for the household.


1938 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 364-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glanville Downey

The sixth century in the Eastern Roman Empire saw the appointment to high ecclesiastical offices of several laymen chosen from the upper ranks of the army and the civil service. Apollinaris, patriarch of Alexandria from 551 to 570, had been before his appointment a high military officer, and his successor John had likewise passed the whole of his previous career in the army. It was evidently their marked executive ability which was responsible for the sudden translation of such men from the government service to the church, and in their new careers their energy and their mastery of administrative detail no doubt outweighed any previous lack of training in theological affairs.


1967 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Markus

There are only two moments during the Byzantine era at which the African Church emerges into something like daylight: on the morrow of the reconquest, in the middle years of the sixth century, and again almost a century later, under the emperors Heraclius and Constans II. Both in the controversies over the ‘three chapters’ under Justinian, and in those over monothelitism in the seventh century, the African Church took the lead in resisting what seemed, in the eyes of its leading churchmen, attempts by the Court to subvert the Chalcedonian orthodoxy.


1972 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-468
Author(s):  
Wallace M. Alston

The preaching function of the ministry marks the church as the holy community of God in the world as it nurtures and reforms the language of faith, traditions the faithful in a Christian past, and reflects on the crucial crises of historical events in the light of Jesus Christ.


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