What has happened to the extreme right in Britain ?

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Anthony Heath
Keyword(s):  
European Countries ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
National Front ◽  
Single Issue ◽  
Protest Voters

Support for the extreme right in Britain has been relatively low in Britain in recent years and has not shown the surge apparent in a number of other European countries. The paper uses data from the 1979 British Election survey to examine the characteristics of care and peripheral National Front supporters at the time of their last surge in support, and then goes on to consider why support has remained low in recent years. The 1979 evidence shows that support for the National Front was strongly linked to racist attitudes but in other respects had a 'protest' character. It is suggested that the subsequent weakness of the extreme right in Britain may be due to its single-issue character and to the availability of more attractive alternatives for protest voters such as the Liberal Party.

De gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 9 oktober 1988 : Analyse van de resultaten

Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-384
Author(s):  
Johan Ackaert
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
The City ◽  
Walloon Region

In the Flemish region the greatest losers are the Flemish nationalists VU and the Socialist Party, followed by de christian-democrats of the CVP. The liberal party PVV, the ecologist AGALEV and the extreme right-wing Vlaams Blok (particularly in the city ofAntwerp) are the winners. The results of the Walloon region show a gain for the socialists (PS), christian-democrats (PSC) and the ecologists (ECOLO) and a sligtly liberal (PRL) recede. The high number of winners is caused by the disapearrance of the socialist-Walloon nationalist alliances and the anti-tax party UDR T. Another important factor is the fall in of the walloon nationalist party RW.The elections in the Brussels region are characterized by the further set-back of the once so strong French-speaking party FDF. The three traditional political families and the ecologists benefit by this decline.In Flanders the christian-democrats and the socialists profit by their participation in the boards of mayor and aldermen (the local majorities), in the Walloons the socialists. The data concerning the profits by this participations show no evidence for the other parties.

Multiculturalism, (Im)Migration, Theatre: The National Arts Centre, Ottawa, a Case of Staging Canadian Nationalism

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yana Meerzon
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Cultural Activity ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Symbolic Function ◽  
Canadian Theatre ◽  
The World ◽  
Theatre Company ◽  
Canadian Nationalism ◽  
Similarities And Differences

AbstractOn October 22, 2015, two days after the Liberal Party of Canada came to power, The Globe and Mail published an editorial entitled “Canada to the World: Xenophobia Doesn’t Play Here.” The article suggested that, in these times of migration crises, a rising xenophobic discourse and neo-nationalism, it is essential for the European countries to start taking lessons in navigating cultural diversity from Canada, the first country in the world that institutionalized principles of multiculturalism. This view is clearly reflected in the repertoire politics of Canadian theatre institutions, specifically the National Arts Centre (NAC) Ottawa, the only theatre company in Canada directly subsidized by its government. Mandated to support artistic excellence through arts, the NAC acts as a pulpit of official ideology. It presents diversity on stage as the leading Canadian value, and thus fulfills its symbolic function to serve as a mirror to its nation.However, this paper argues that, by offering an image of Canada, constructed by our government and tourist agencies, as an idyllic place to negotiate our similarities and differences, the NAC fosters what Loren Kruger calls a theatrical nationhood (4–16). A closer look at the 2014 NAC English theatre co-production of Kim’s Convenience will help illustrate how the politics of mimicry can become a leading device in the aesthetics of national mimesis – a cultural activity of “representing the nation as well as the result of it (an image of the nation)” (Hurley 24); and how the artistry of a multicultural kitchen-sink can turn a subject of diversity into that of affirmation and sentimentalism.

The National Front in France: The Emergence of an Extreme Right Protest Movement

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pierre Brechon ◽  
Subrata Kumar Mitra
Keyword(s):  
Extreme Right ◽  
National Front ◽  
Protest Movement

Electoral Institutions, Unemployment and Extreme Right Parties: A Correction

2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATT GOLDER
Keyword(s):  
European Countries ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Extreme Right Parties ◽  
West European

In their 1996 article in this Journal, Robert Jackman and Karin Volpert analyse the systematic conditions that influence the electoral success of extreme right parties in sixteen West European countries from 1970 to 1990. In particular, they focus on the effects of unemployment, electoral thresholds and multi-partism.

Politics on the Fringe: The People, Policies, and Organizations of the French National Front. By Edward G. DeClair. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999. 261p. $49.95 cloth, $18.95 paper.

2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (4) ◽  
pp. 1014-1015
Author(s):  
Andrew Appleton
Keyword(s):  
Recent History ◽  
Aldous Huxley ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
National Front ◽  
Front National ◽  
Cultural Approach ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
Duke University ◽  
Point Of Departure

“The charm of history and its enigmatic lesson,” wrote Aldous Huxley, “consist in the fact that, from age to age, nothing changes and yet everything is completely different.” (The Devils of Loudon, 1952) Surely, Huxley would have had much to say about the role played by the Front National (FN) in the recent history of France. The FN is but the modern incarnation of a traditional strand of the French Right. Indeed, Remond is one of the most powerful voices behind the cultural approach to analyzing the contemporary extreme Right, arguing that any organizational manifestation of it can only be understood with reference to the historical and philosophical antecedents. Much of the scholarship on the FN either implicitly or explicitly uses this approach as a point of departure.

Le Pen, the National Front and the Extreme Right in France

1992 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER FYSH ◽  
JIM WOLFREYS
Keyword(s):  
Extreme Right ◽  
National Front

At the Threshold of Dissolution: the National Liberals and Bismarck 1877/1878

1988 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-340
Author(s):  
John F. Flynn
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Single Issue ◽  
Tax Legislation ◽  
History Of ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Practical Question ◽  
Actual Decision

Allied to Bismarck and more national than liberal, the National Liberal party split the liberal movement and became the largest and most successful party in Germany from 1867 to 1879. But it acted singularly ineffectively when it plunged headlong into the greatest crisis of its history by failing to support tax legislation during a year-long negotiation with Bismarck begun in the summer of 1877. For one thing, the party focused its attention on a single issue when many were at stake, any one of which could have been an obstacle to an agreement with Bismarck. Secondly, although its factions had continually demonstrated their willingness to reach unanimity, these agreements had taken so long to develop and lasted so briefly that in effect the party spent the greater part of a critical year in opposition to Bismarck. Furthermore, by weakening the degree of its commitments in response to Bismarck's hostility towards its demands, the National Liberal party appeared indecisive, unreliable and deceptive. The issue which had produced this inept behaviour was the implementation of the party goal of maintaining parliamentary power in Germany, specifically of assuring to the Reichstag the right to vote annually the sources of the revenue of the imperial government. The story of that issue is the concern of this article. It argues that knowledge of the tensions generated by divergent principles and goals on parliamentary rights will clarify both the schismatic tendencies and the character of the National Liberal party in the later 1870s. Thus the proper assessment of the role that the issue played in the history of the party requires that the actual decision-making process be counted at least equally with agreements. Whether continual co-operation among National Liberals on parliamentary rights was based upon increased hostility or cordiality has remained the critical and unanswered practical question.

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