A systems framework for remedying dysfunction in US democracy

Democracy often fails to meet its ideals, and these failures may be made worse by electoral institutions. Unwanted outcomes include elite polarization, unresponsive representatives, and the ability of a faction of voters to gain power at the expense of the majority. Various reforms have been proposed to address these problems, but their effectiveness is difficult to predict against a backdrop of complex interactions. Here we outline a path for systems-level modeling to help understand and optimize repairs to US democracy. Following the tradition of engineering and biology, models of systems include mechanisms with dynamical properties that include nonlinearities and amplification (voting rules), positive feedback mechanisms (single-party control, gerrymandering), negative feedback (checks and balances), integration over time (lifetime judicial appointments), and low dimensionality (polarization). To illustrate a systems-level approach, we analyze three emergent phenomena: low dimensionality, elite polarization, and antimajoritarianism in legislatures. In each case, long-standing rules now contribute to undesirable outcomes as a consequence of changes in the political environment. Theoretical understanding at a general level will also help evaluate whether a proposed reform’s benefits will materialize and be lasting, especially as conditions change again. In this way, rigorous modeling may not only shape new lines of research but aid in the design of effective and lasting reform.

Democratic Constitutions, Electoral Commissions and Legitimacy – The Example of Australia

This article explores the structure, management and institutional design of commissions in Australia and unpacks how these institutions operate within the Australian political landscape. Part 1 looks at the structure of Australian electoral commissions and how they maintain structural independence. Part 2 seeks to better understand Australian electoral institutions, through an examination of how they have manoeuvred administrative and political challenges and emergencies when they have arisen. Finally, Part 3 employs a neo-institutionalist lens to focus on the internal and external dynamics that assist or hinder the operation of commissions in Australia and how legitimacy and institutional trust can be created, maintained and harmed by electoral agencies in the Australian context.

What Kind of Electoral Outcome do People Think is Good for Democracy?

There is perennial debate in comparative politics about electoral institutions, but what characterizes this debate is the lack of consideration for citizens’ perspective. In this paper, we report the results of an original survey conducted on representative samples in 15 West European countries ( N = 15,414). We implemented an original instrument to elicit respondents’ views by asking them to rate “real but blind” electoral outcomes. With this survey instrument, we aimed to elicit principled rather than partisan preferences regarding the kind of electoral outcomes that citizens think is good for democracy. We find that West Europeans do not clearly endorse a majoritarian or proportional vision of democracy. They tend to focus on aspects of the government rather than parliament when they pass a judgment. They want a majority government that has few parties and enjoys wide popular support. Finally, we find only small differences between citizens of different countries.

Democracy and Capitalism in the Interregnum: Trump’s Failed Self-Coup and After

This paper addresses Trump’s failed self-coup, its authoritarian backwash, and threats to democracy. It analyzes his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, which contributed to his 2020 election loss and deepened the political polarization that led to the January 6 Capitol insurrection. The essay also discusses how the forty-year acceleration of economic inequality and sociopolitical de-democratization generated a legitimacy crisis of the hegemonic, neoliberal regime that opened way for Trumpist ethnoracial nationalism. The Trump presidency and pandemic increased the intensity of the political-economic contradictions and transparency of the attenuated relationship of democracy and capitalism. In the consequent “interregnum,” fundamental threats to democratic electoral institutions persist, yet a clear, realistic vision of an alternative democratic regime and the political bloc to bring it into being have yet to be forged. The fate of American democracy rides on overcoming the remarkable denial and normalization of the Trump coup attempt and on forging new safeguards for electoral institutions. Preventing a recurrence, however, requires a progressive transformation of Trumpism’s de-democratized seedbed – neoliberal capitalism.

Legislative Speech in Presidential Systems

This essay constitutes a sort of corrective to the considerable attention scholars of legislative speech have given to bodies in parliamentary regimes. I survey the study of legislative speech in presidential systems by categorizing it into two types. The first presents patterns of speech across memberships as indicative of other factors such as electoral institutions and the strength of legislative parties. Here, I use Proksch and Slapin’s theoretical framework for purchase and refer to a small but growing corpus of literature on Latin America. The subject of the second is the content of speech. The approach is normative and assumes words spoken are independent variables that can have important effects on policy, politics, and the health of the broader polity. I conclude by remarking upon the opportunities computer software and newly accessible data provide for researchers of speech in the legislatures of presidential systems. I also suggest avenues for future research.

Mexico electoral reforms are unlikely to succeed

Significance President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) has repeatedly accused electoral institutions of being biased and unreliable. Such claims have intensified since the June 6 mid-term elections, when decisions on several disputed races at federal and local levels went against Morena candidates. Impacts The divisions that led to conflict over the Electoral Court remain and could drive renewed tensions that will undermine its legitimacy. The Electoral Court’s credibility will be further undermined if investigations into Vargas’s unexplained wealth lead to corruption charges. Government attacks on the electoral authorities will become more common ahead of March’s planned presidential recall referendum.

Policies, Programs and Achievements of Ghulam Nabi Azad - led Coalition in Jammu & Kashmir

The coalition government in Jammu and Kashmir during 2002 to 2008 helped build some kind of confidence in the electoral institutions and processes. Breaking the hegemony of the single dominant party also brought an alternative to the PDPCongress coalition power. PDP- Congress formed a coalition government after 2002 Assembly elections as no political party had won majority and it resulted in a fractured mandate. The coalition was significant in the sense that PDP had recently emerged as regional force, and it was its first game in elections as well as coalition politics. The coalition began very well on a good note. The coalition incorporated their election manifestoes with the basic issues which the people were facing. The PDP promised a corruption- free government, unconditional dialogue with militants, providing a healing touch and like. The present paper analyses the performance of PDP- Congress coalition led by Ghulam Nabi Azad. Keywords: Coalition, Jammu and Kashmir, Ghulam Nabi Azad, PDP-Congress.

Are You My Candidate? Gender, Undervoting, and Vote Choice in Same-Party Matchups

Partisanship is the dominant force that dictates American electoral behavior. Yet Americans often participate in elections in which either the partisanship of candidates is unknown or candidates from the same party compete, rendering the partisan cue meaningless. In this research, we examine how candidate demographics—specifically gender—relate to voter behavior and candidate selection in these contexts. Leveraging survey data from same-party matchups in congressional elections (resulting from “top-two primaries”), we examine the relationship between candidate gender and undervoting and vote choice. We find that in same-party matchups, women candidates are associated with lower levels of undervoting among women voters. Furthermore, we find that in mixed-gender contests, women voters from both parties and Democratic men are more likely to favor female candidates. The findings presented here have important implications for the literatures on gender and politics, electoral politics, partisanship, and the design of electoral institutions.

Autocratization Verity: Insights from Democratic Setbacks in Africa

This study builds on extant literature on autocratization by critically analyzing democratic setbacks, arising from widespread incidents of electoral and political violence in democratic processes in Africa. The study leverages on frustration-aggression propositions to analyze the politico-electoral dynamics in autocratization trends in climes where the incentives to use violence as power acquisition strategy have become a dominant norm either by the ruling elites who seek to remain in power (sometimes by all means – both legal and, mostly, illegal) or by the opposition groups seeking to dislodge the former. As a qualitative research, the study squarely relies on available documented textual materials and rich datasets developed by reputable international research institutes. The analysis of data reveals that autocratization is real, gradual and subtle in Africa, and it is fostered by weak electoral institutions that are helpless in checkmating the use of violent strategies to win an election, which is the most visible element of modern democracy. Based on these findings, deliberate efforts should be made to build and/or strengthen electoral institutions that will rise above group interests and group control and ensure equal playing ground for all political groups in the contestation for state power. This will guarantee stable democratic growth within the context of the democratic principle of equal political opportunity premised on one man, one vote in Africa.

Voter Mobilisation and Trust in Electoral Institutions: Evidence from Kenya*

In a large-scale randomised experiment implemented with Kenya’s Electoral Commission in 2013, text messages intended to mobilise voters boosted electoral participation. However, the messages also decreased trust in electoral institutions after the election. This decrease was stronger for individuals on the losing side of the election and in areas that experienced election-related violence. We hypothesise that the mobilisation campaign backfired because the Electoral Commission promised a transparent and orderly electoral process but failed to deliver on these expectations. Several potential mechanisms account for the intervention’s unexpected effects, including a simple model where signaling capacity via mobilisation messages can negatively affect beliefs about the fairness of the election.