Electoral Institutions, Unemployment and Extreme Right Parties: A Correction

2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATT GOLDER

In their 1996 article in this Journal, Robert Jackman and Karin Volpert analyse the systematic conditions that influence the electoral success of extreme right parties in sixteen West European countries from 1970 to 1990. In particular, they focus on the effects of unemployment, electoral thresholds and multi-partism.

Author(s):  
Christos Vrakopoulos

Abstract This article aims to explain the variation in the electoral support for extreme-right parties (ERPs) in Europe. The extant literature on the far-right party family does not answer this question specifically with regard to the extreme-right variants for two main reasons. Firstly, theories did not expect the electoral success of these parties in post-war Europe due to their anti-democratic profiles and association with fascism. Secondly, despite the fact that they acknowledge the differences between the parties under the far-right umbrella – namely, the extreme and the radical – they normally do not take these differences into account, and if so, they focus on the radical-right parties. This article shows that electoral support for ERPs is associated with low quality of government and highly conservative mainstream-right parties. The former creates political legitimization for anti-democratic parties and the latter ideological normalization of extreme right.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (17) ◽  
pp. 124
Author(s):  
Aline Burni

Since the 1980’s, many European countries known for their consolidated democratic systems, have experienced the unexpected electoral emergence of so-called extreme right or populist radical right parties. With the development of recent elections in the Netherlands, France, Germany and Austria, extreme right parties such as the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV), the French National Front (FN), the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Freedom Party of Austria (FPO) have attracted attention both from the media and in academic investigation, because of their radical and populist appeals, as well as their relevant electoral results. What do these parties have in common? Do they belong to a single party family? More recently, what has been their electoral support in different countries and types of elections? To contribute to introductory comparative understanding about this topic, this paper will examine the existing literature, and analyze descriptive electoral data of recent contests. The aims of this work are twofold. First, it intends to provide theoretical background about discussions on the terminology and party family definition, which will be done grounded on the specialized literature. I argue that extreme right parties can be defined based on three features: identitarian politics, authoritarian values and a populist style. Second, this work assesses the current electoral performance of main extreme right parties across European countries, using descriptive data collected from three platforms: “ParlGov”, “Parties and Elections in Europe” and “European Elections Database”.


2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-386 ◽  
Author(s):  
João Carvalho

The electoral success of extreme right parties (ERPs) has attracted a disproportionate number of studies. By contrast, research into the mainstream parties’ reactions to ERPs has engendered little interest. With few exceptions, the effects of the centre-right parties’ strategic options in electoral competitions with ERPs remain unexplored. To overcome this shortcoming, this investigation examines the strategies employed by the French centre-right party – Union pour un Movement Populaire (UMP) against the Front National in the 2007 and the 2012 presidential elections by focusing on the topics of immigration and integration. This study suggests that the adoption of accommodating approaches in both elections was followed by distinct levels of success in 2007 and 2012. Drawing on a qualitative comparative analysis, this article explores three hypotheses in order to enhance understanding of the divergent effectiveness of the UMP’s accommodative approaches in the elections studied.


Author(s):  
Αναστασία Καφέ ◽  
Βασιλική Γεωργιάδου ◽  
Ζηνοβία Λιαλιούτη

ΠερίληψηΗ ξενοφοβική βία στην Ελλάδα βρίσκεται στο επίκεντρο του ενδιαφέροντος του παρόντος άρθρου. Η μελέτη του φαινομένου αναδεικνύει ευθείες συνδέσεις των δραστών με το χώρο της ακροδεξιάς και ειδικότερα τη Χρυσή Αυγή. Με τη δημιουργία μιας νέας βάσης δεδομένων που στηρίζεται στην εξαντλητική καταγραφή στον Τύπο περιστατικών βίας κατά μεταναστών στο διάστημα 1991-2017, υποστηρίζουμε ότι ο βίαιος ακτιβισμός δεν αποτελεί απλή συνέπεια της εκλογικής ενδυνάμωσης της άκρας δεξιάς, αλλά προϋποθέτει έναν πυρήνα οργανωμένων δρώντων που ανήκουν ή κινούνται στο περιβάλλον της. Από τα δεδομένα μας συνάγεται ότι η εξέλιξη του αριθμού των επιθέσεων κατά μεταναστών δεν συμπίπτει απολύτως με μια αντίστοιχη διακύμανση στον πληθυσμό των μεταναστών. Τούτο σημαίνει ότι οι αντιμεταναστευτικές επιθέσεις δεν αυξάνονται απαραιτήτως όταν ο αριθμός των μεταναστών είναι μεγάλος, αλλά μπορεί να εμφανίζονται συχνότερα σε περιόδους και περιοχές που παρατηρείται ξαφνική είσοδος μεταναστών. Αν στις περιοχές αυτές εντοπίζονται οργανωμένοι πυρήνες της άκρας δεξιάς και ειδικότερα της Χρυσής Αυγής, τότε είναι συχνό το φαινόμενο των επιθέσεων κατά μεταναστών. AbstractThe main research interest of this article focuses on the issue of xenophobic violence in Greece. The study of this phenomenon highlights its direct connection to extreme right-wing actors that are particularly associated with Golden Dawn. With the creation of a new database of violent incidents against immigrants during the period 1991-2017 constructed upon material from the press, we argue that violent activism is not merely a consequence of the electoral success of extreme right parties but it presupposes a cell of organized actors that belong to or move around this specific political environment. Moreover, our data suggest that the quantitative evolution of anti-immigrant attacks does not coincide with the size of immigration. This means that anti-immigrant attacks are not necessarily traced in areas with high migrant population but may be more frequent in areas where the entry of immigrants increases instantly. This trend is reinforced by the presence of organized cells of extreme right orientation - and especially Golden Dawn - that coordinate anti-immigrant violent action.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 205316801985098
Author(s):  
Sean Kates

The literature surrounding extreme right parties in Europe has developed dramatically over the past two decades. However, the analysis of electoral success for these parties has produced muddled results, and occasionally even conflicting findings. This article argues this confusion is partially due to a reliance on an inappropriate model choice. Through the use of simulations, a goodness-of-fit exercise, and a prediction exercise based on model cross-validation, I show that the traditional Tobit specification—adopted to deal with electoral results of fringe parties—is theoretically untenable, statistically inferior to alternative models, and practically prone to revealing effects that are unsupported by the underlying data. Rather, the results suggest that best practices should see researchers adopt Cragg or Heckman models for two-stage questions, or consider adopting an analysis applying multiple overimputation if the main question is focused on the determinants of electoral success.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-47
Author(s):  
Radu-Vladimir Rauta

This topic has witnessed a real increase in media coverage due to the recent activity of extreme right parties across Europe, notable being in the past year the Greek parties and the Dutch stance regarding immigration. For answering the question, and following the pathway of the module, the essay is looking at the extreme right parties in four European countries: France, Germany, the Netherlands and Italy. Research for this paper has been focused mostly on the specialised literature, Pietro Ignazi being brought into discussion the most. Because of the large variables over years, the essay is looking at the parties from the 1960s until the early 2000s.


1997 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 417-426
Author(s):  
Olivera Koprivnjak ◽  
Aldo Milotić ◽  
Đordano Peršurić

The tourist supply of every country longs for peculiar quality and identifiability. The typical foodstuffs are one of the climate, cultural inheritance and traditions of a country. In this paper, the authors first explain the definitions and procedures designed by international regulations concerning typical foodstuffs with controlled denomination of origin. The authors have investigated the interests and the opinions of tourists and subjects in trade and catering, about typical foodstuffs from Istria. By comparing the regulations, it was concluded that Croatian regulations do not follow the trends in West-European countries. The research results show that foreign tourists are very interested in typical istrian foodstuffs. However, their interest is lessened because those products are relatively expensive and have no guaranty of quality and origin.


Author(s):  
Peter Hoare

In many countries, including the UK, proposals are currently being made for the extension of legal deposit to electronic and other non-print material. Some countries such as Switzerland and the Netherlands have no national legal deposit legislation, though voluntary deposit works well in the latter. Norway has the most advanced legislation, requiring the deposit of all lands of media. In few countries is any range of material actively handled, and a very few deal with online publications. There is scope for international coordination of proposals through such bodies as CDNL, CENL, IFLA and UNESCO. The aim of totally comprehensive collecting of all published material may be accepted as unrealistic, and some selectively is likely to be necessary. The current situation with regard to deposit of non-print material in 11 west European countries, Australia, Canada and the USA is recounted.


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