scholarly journals Dans un ordre, je balance un « u » pour ordure : le déchet comme « sans-part » dans une pratique artistique technologique

2012 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gisele Trudel

ABSTRACT The political philosophy of Jacques Rancière, with its concepts of aesthetics, dissensus and subjectivation, enables the analysis of the relation to matter perceived as waste. Is it possible to transform the latter by means of a technological art practice?RÉSUMÉ La philosophie politique de Jacques Rancière, avec ses concepts d’esthétique, de dissensus et de subjectivation, permet d’analyser la relation à la matière considérée comme déchet. Ce dernier peut-il être transformé avec une pratique artistique technologique?

2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 5-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikos Papastergiadis

Jacques Rancière is one of the central figures in the contemporary debates on aesthetics and politics. This introduction maps the shift of focus in Rancière’s writing from political theory to contemporary art practice and also traces the enduring interest in ideas on equality and creativity. It situates Rancière’s rich body of writing in relation to key theorists such as the philosopher Alain Badiou, art historian Terry Smith and anthropologist George E. Marcus. I argue that Rancière offers a distinctive approach in this broad field by clarifying the specificity of the artist’s task in the production of critical and creative transformation, or what he calls the ‘distribution of the sensible’. In conclusion, I complement Rancière’s invocation to break out of the oppositional paradigm in which the political and aesthetic are usually confined by outlining some further methodological techniques for addressing contemporary art.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 43-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabell Lorey

The Occupy movements in 2011 – this essay focuses mainly on Spain and the United States – have been more than moments of grassroots or direct democracy: they have been collective political practices testing forms of non-representationist democracy in the Europe of representative democracy to an unusually great extent. The precarious subjects of post-Fordism rejected political representation, and at the same time they struggled for a ‘real’ democracy. This oxymoron between representation and democracy structures the political philosophy of Jacques Rancière and corresponds with his well-known distinction between police and politics. This is one of the reasons why his thinking is helpful to understand them as decidedly political ones. However, the assembly as one of the central topoi of theories of democracy plays no prominent role in Rancière’s political philosophy. In contrast to this, I focus on the central practice of the assemblies in the Occupy movements and develop a concept of presentist democracy.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Mechthild Hetzel ◽  
Andreas Hetzel

In our paper we discuss the political aesthetics of Jacques Rancière, specially his writings on the documentaries of the French director Chris Marker. In a first section we give an introduction to Rancière’s political philosophy, which explains political acts in terms of seizing the word by those who have no share in our societies. Such a seizing of words reconfigures the discursive regimes that decide who can say what and under what conditions publicly. In a second section we will show how Rancière’s aesthetical writings discuss works of art in a similar way as agents of a transfiguration of orders of visibility or sight. This becomes clear, as our third section will argue, in Rancière’s film aesthetics, especially in his essays on Chris Marker. Markers movies (for instance Le Tombeau d'Alexandre) focus on and at the same time complicate the boundaries between documentary and fiction; they allow us to understand a reality which is supposedly without alternatives as a result of human practice which always can be changed.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-57
Author(s):  
Mechthild Hetzel ◽  
Andreas Hetzel

In our paper we discuss the political aesthetics of Jacques Rancière, specially his writings on the documentaries of the French director Chris Marker. In a first section we give an introduction to Rancière’s political philosophy, which explains political acts in terms of seizing the word by those who have no share in our societies. Such a seizing of words reconfigures the discursive regimes that decide who can say what and under what conditions publicly. In a second section we will show how Rancière’s aesthetical writings discuss works of art in a similar way as agents of a transfiguration of orders of visibility or sight. This becomes clear, as our third section will argue, in Rancière’s film aesthetics, especially in his essays on Chris Marker. Markers movies (for instance Le Tombeau d'Alexandre) focus on and at the same time complicate the boundaries between documentary and fiction; they allow us to understand a reality which is supposedly without alternatives as a result of human practice which always can be changed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 166-182
Author(s):  
Ari Hirvonen ◽  
Susanna Lindroos-Hovinheimo

In this chapter Hirvonen and Lindroos-Hovinheimo argue that the revolutionary power of constituent power and popular sovereignty are relevant conditions of radical emancipatory and egalitarian politics. How the people become the people – and what makes the people in its becoming – are relevant questions in modern democracy. The article considers the power of the people as a theoretical idea and political possibility. It brings together the older tradition of political philosophy with contemporary theory by discussing Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s ideas together with those of Jacques Rancière, Jean-Luc Nancy, and Alain Badiou.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Hollendung

To what extent can political theories adequately address the dangers that may accompany the political? This monograph is less concerned with the emancipative potential of the political, but rather with its downsides. Drawing on the concept of precarity, as defined in sociology and the May Day movement, it calls into question the ideas of sovereignty and autonomy using the theories of Judith Butler. The book systematises the controversy on what ‘the political’ is. Subsequently, it defines ‘political precarity’ in accordance with the ideas of Hannah Arendt, Jacques Rancière and Alain Badiou. These theories are complementary and conflicting in several respects and they mutually point out each other’s weaknesses. However, Hollendung identifies an innovative understanding of the precarious by intertwining these ideas.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Rok Benčin

This article on the French May ’68 addresses the gap between the immediacy of the event and the series of consequences that are supposed to have followed from it. In the eyes of the critics of May ’68 from all sides of the political spectrum, the events in France have been considered as having no consequence at all, as having no political but merely cultural consequences, or as producing political consequences that were opposite to the intentions of their actors. To these interpretations, which all account for the distance between the event and its consequences by means of completely disjointing the latter from the former, the article opposes two reflections on May ’68 – those by Alain Badiou and Jacques Rancière – that attempt to examine the consequences of the very immediacy of the politics practised by the actors of the events, a politics that operates at a distance from mediation, representation and postponement. Badiou and Rancière propose some similar conclusions, but also two very different ways of reading the immediacy of the event.


Other Others ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 19-35
Author(s):  
Sergey Dolgopolski

The chapter analyses how the question of the political in two currently predominant and competing schools of political thought, political theology, exemplified by Carl Schmitt, and political ontology, exemplified by Jacques Rancière. The notion of the other others comes front and centre in this analysis. In political ontology, the concept of the political is predicated on an ability of a politician, a lawyer, or an artist to employ the philosophical, and in modern terms, “ontological” distinction between what is the case in each case and what seems to be the case in each case. In political theology, it is no longer “being” as opposed to “seeming”, but rather an ability to represent as radically distinct from any particular content conveyed. The chapter further traces foundations of both political theology and political ontology in Kant’s transcendentalism -- in particular in the necessity by which transcendentalism denies “positive law,” which Christianity traditionally ascribed to the Jews. The balance of the chapter shows how, however mutually exclusive, both political theology and political ontology remain intersubjective in their scope and thereby both efface and help notice what, in the following chapters will emerge on the pages of the Talmud as interpersonal rather than intersubjective dimension of the political.


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