carl schmitt
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2022 ◽  
Vol 20 (33) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
José Ricardo Cunha
Keyword(s):  

Objetivo: O presente artigo tem como objetivos: 1) apontar como o egocentrismo e o egoísmo constituem uma cultura de fundo que inviabiliza a política democrática e, no limite, corroboram o ódio como forma de fazer política; e 2) indicar a democracia agonística, como proposta por Chantal Mouffe, a partir de um debate com Carl Schmitt, como uma forma de fazer política mais consentânea com o pluralismo e, portanto, com o assentimento da alteridade como constitutiva do próprio fazer político.Metodologia: Para alcançar os objetivos propostos, o artigo apoia-se no método hipotético-dedutivo, mediante a pesquisa bibliográfica em textos que tratam sobre o tema.Resultados:Individualidade e pluralismo são características centrais do mundo moderno. Contudo, a afirmação excessiva da individualidade produziu situações em que se busca suplantar o pluralismo em nome do sectarismo. Uma cultura de fundo de reforço do ego parece descambar em muitos momentos para um forte egocentrismo e um individualismo brutal. No aspecto político, isso institui práticas alérgicas à alteridade que chegam a suplantar o próprio compromisso com a democracia, abrindo espaço para o ódio como forma de fazer política. Em oposição a essa perspectiva, o artigo indica o modelo agonístico de democracia, conforme sustentado por Chantal Mouffe. Em diálogo com Carl Schmitt, Mouffe defende que a política democrática é um campo de inevitável conflito, todavia esse conflito não deve se dar na forma de um antagonismo onde aquele que pensa diferente seja tomado como um inimigo a ser destruído. No lugar do antagonismo, propõe o agonismo, que significa um permanente embate democrático, porém em condições nas quais o outro não seja visto como inimigo, mas sim como adversário.


Labyrinth ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-98
Author(s):  
Reinhard Mehring

In the "Labyrinth of Legitimacy" and Ethos Analysis. Carl Schmitt and Herfried Münkler on the New Wars and New Warriors  The article analyzes Münkler's continuation of Carl Schmitt's late work on international law in the book Kriegssplitter and emphasizes its divergent ethical approach.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. e40279
Author(s):  
Nicholas Hiromura

Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) spent much of his life arguing against human rights. While this may not come as a surprise, a closer examination of The Concept of the Political reveals that Schmitt’s critique of Liberal humanitarianism is itself rooted in a concept of the humanum as a sphere of substantive moral and political conflict. As an analysis of Schmitt’s concept of the enemy shows, this humanum serves as an argument for the necessity of a juristic distinction between enemy and foe. For, only by distinguishing between the relativized enemy and the absolute foe, Schmitt argues, will we be able to distinguish create a space for particularly political action. Having revealed the framework of mediated moral conflict, in which Schmitt conceives of political action, I then turn to consider Schmitt’s minimalist proposal for a positive definition of a “universal jus commune” and assess its significance for a discussion of human rights.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 6-10
Author(s):  
Vadim Kropanev

The purpose of this research article is to compare the concepts of John Austin and Carl Schmitt on the definition of sovereign - finding the similarities and differences between them. The article analyzes the constitutional law of such states as the Russian Federation and the Vatican City State as a practical application of the results of comparing the concepts of determining the sovereign. In the analysis of the constitutional law of the Russian Federation, the results of the study of the concept of John Austin are used, and in the analysis of the constitutional law of the Vatican City State, the results of the study of the concept of Carl Schmitt are used. The subject of research, the definition of sovereign, is one of the most important topics of Theory of State and Law, therefore, everything stated in the article contributes to the development of understanding of statehood and legal systems and opens new opportunities for study and discussion in the scientific world.


Legal Studies ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Matt Qvortrup ◽  
Leah Trueblood

Abstract Carl Schmitt and AV Dicey are two of history's most influential constitutional theorists, and they offer two of history's most influential accounts of referendums. In most respects, their approaches to referendums are in direct opposition to each other. On Schmitt's view, the purpose of referendums is to acclaim executive actors. On Dicey's view, the role of referendums is to constrain them. Despite disagreeing about whether referendums should acclaim or constrain the executive, Schmitt and Dicey agree that an agenda-setting role for representatives in referendums is inevitable. This paper argues that, in the UK context, if Schmitt and Dicey are right about the necessary agenda-setting power of representatives in referendums, then the accounts of referendums they each offer must be two sides of the same coin. Given the dominance of the executive over the legislature in the UK and the uncodified nature of the constitution, referendums are processes that necessarily both acclaim and limit the executive.


2021 ◽  
pp. 17-41
Author(s):  
Hugo E. Herrera

En el presente trabajo se intenta explicar la ligazón que establece Carl Schmitt entre la comprensión jurídica y la comprensión en general, así como la importancia de este vínculo para la historia de la filosofía. Schmitt afirma en diversas obras que la comprensión jurídica puede ser entendida, en un sentido amplio, como comprensión de la situación humana en general. La ampliación del sentido usual del derecho a la comprensión en general opera sobre la base del hecho de que en la comprensión en general consta algo parecido a la comprensión jurídica: una tensión entre un polo ideal o de las elaboraciones de la mente y un polo real de las situaciones concretas. Esa ampliación schmittiana marca un momento relevante en la historia de la filosofía. A su posición se asemejan llamativamente consideraciones hermenéuticas posteriores de Hans-Georg Gadamer, sin que la literatura haya reparado hasta ahora en esa relación.


Author(s):  
И.И. Кобылин

Статья посвящена анализу предложенного А.Л. Юргановым генезиса сталинской «практической диалектики». Отталкиваясь от полемики «механистов» и «диалектиков», Юрганов прослеживает становление такой диалектической структуры, где решающее значение имеет суверенная воля модератора. «Борьба на два фронта» – это логическая машина, которая всегда обеспечивает выигрыш тому, кто ее запускает. В статье эта «машина модерации» сопоставляется, с одной стороны, с размышлениями Карла Шмитта и Джорджо Агамбена о суверенитете и чрезвычайном положении, а с другой – с идеей Бориса Гройса о советской власти как о торжестве «медиума языка» над «медиумом денег». В финале намечается дальнейшая перспектива исследования роли этой машины в позднесоветских условиях. The article is devoted to the analysis of the conception of the genesis of Stalin's "practical dialectics" proposed by A.L. Yurganov. Starting from the polemics of "mechanists" and "dialecticians", Yurganov traces the formation of such a dialectical structure, where the sovereign will of the moderator is of decisive importance. A “fight on two fronts” is a logical machine that always wins for the one who launches it. The article compares this "moderation machine", on the one hand, with the thoughts of Carl Schmitt and Giorgio Agamben about sovereignty and a state of emergency, and on the other, with Boris Groys's idea of Soviet power as the triumph of the "medium of language" over the "medium of money." In the finale, a further perspective is outlined for researching the role of this machine in late Soviet conditions.


Commentaire ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol Numéro 176 (4) ◽  
pp. 765-774
Author(s):  
Julien Hervier
Keyword(s):  

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