scholarly journals Memories from the Future: The Historical Experience of the First World War and the Civil War in Soviet Propaganda of the 1920s and 1930s

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-246
Author(s):  
Svetlana B. Ulyanova

The article deals with the historical experience of the First World War and the Russian Civil War as it was brought up in Soviet propaganda of the 1920s and 1930s; topic is thus the employment of a useful past in the production of ideas about future wars. The present research is based on a corpus of normative texts related to the assessment of the First World War and the Civil War in the late 1920s and 1930s (including periodicals, political writings, materials of the Communist Party) as well as archival documents about campaigns dedicated to the anniversaries of the First World War and the Civil War. Despite their proclaimed policy of peace, Soviet leaders spoke of a major future war as inevitable, and tried to anticipate its nature through comparison with conflicts of the recent past. In the Soviet information space of the 1920s and 1930s, the Great War was presented primarily from a socio-political perspective. Assessing the First World War as imperialist, Soviet propaganda emphasized that the future conflict would inevitably start as a counter-revolutionary war against the USSR. The Civil War became the main source of heroic military discourse, and was presented as a national war against external enemies. The future war was thereby imagined on the model of the foreign interventions of 1918-1920. The author analyzes this approach with the example of the Soviet campaign dedicated to the twentieth anniversary of the defense of Petrograd from Yudenich's troops in 1919.

2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-157
Author(s):  
Justyna Jajszczok

The aim of the article is to compare and contrast two examples of the short-lived conservative literary genre of future-war fiction (also known as invasion literature) popular in Britain between the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71 and the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. The analysed texts, “The Battle of Dorking” of 1871 and The Swoop! of 1909, are examined as manifestations of two camps with which commentators of projected future seem to identify: the camp comprising of people expressing genuine fears and future anxieties, and the camp of people mocking and dismissing these apprehensions. The article explores their social and political impacts and their potential legacy.


2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 276-289
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

Het wordt in de historiografie van de Vlaamse beweging aanvaard dat Hendrik Conscience door de Brusselse progressieve vereniging ‘De Veldbloem’ in 1872 werd gevraagd om te kandideren voor de parlementaire verkiezingen. Conscience zou dat geweigerd hebben. Dit is uiteraard geen onbetekenend feit in de biografie van de man die ‘zijn volk leerde lezen’.Dit gegeven is terug te voeren op de geschriften van Antoon Jacob (°1889) van na de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Jacob werd beschouwd als een autoriteit inzake Conscience. Maar waar is het bewijs? Hij verwees daarbij naar “uitvoerige correspondentie” maar die is niet te vinden. Het ADVN slaagde erin om de archivalische nalatenschap van de in 1947 gestorven Jacob te verwerven. Daarin bleken heel wat brieven van en aan Conscience te zitten. De briefwisseling met ‘De Veldbloem’ was onderwerp van deze bijdrage. Daarin is geen spoor te vinden van de poging om Conscience op het politieke strijdtoneel te brengen in Brussel. Daarbij moet de vraag gesteld worden hoe Jacob deze archiefstukken verzamelde en wat ermee is gebeurd tijdens zijn turbulente leven en talrijke omzwervingen. Het is best mogelijk dat er een en ander is verloren gegaan. Toch is deze nalatenschap een belangrijke aanwinst voor de studie van de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging en die van Conscience in het bijzonder. ________ The Brussels association ‘De Veldbloem’ seeks contact with Hendrik Conscience. Two recently discovered letters It is an accepted fact in the historiography of the Flemish Movement that the Brussels progressive Association ‘De Veldbloem’ [=the Wildflower] asked Hendrik Conscience in 1872 to be their candidate for the parliamentary elections. It is said that Hendrik Conscience refused the request. This is of course a very significant fact in the biography of the man ‘who taught his people to read.’ This information may be inferred from the writings of Antoon Jacob (°1889) from the period after the First World War. Jacob was regarded as an authority on Conscience. But where is the evidence of this? In his claim, he referred to ‘extensive correspondence’, but that correspondence is not extant. The ADVN managed to acquire the archival legacy of Jacob who died in 1947. It turned out that it included quite a number of letters to and from Conscience. The exchange of letters with ‘De Veldbloem’ was the subject of this contribution. It contains no trace of the attempt to bring Conscience into the political arena in Brussels. It raises the question how Jacob collected these archival documents and what happened to them during his turbulent life and his many peregrinations.  It is certainly possible that some documents have been lost. However, this legacy is still an important acquisition for the study of the history of the Flemish Movement and of Conscience in particular.


2013 ◽  
Vol 95 (8) ◽  
pp. 274-275
Author(s):  
Wyn Beasley

Arthur Porritt, whose adventures, accolades and achievements spanned the globe, was both a surgeon himself and the son of a surgeon. His father, Ernest Edward Porritt, qualified in Edinburgh, became a fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh in 1898, and practised in Wanganui in new zealand, where Arthur was born on 10 August 1900. His mother, Ivy McKenzie, died in 1914, when Arthur was in his first year at Wanganui Collegiate School; and when his father shortly went overseas to serve in the First World War, the boy became a boarder. The future Olympian distinguished himself as athletics champion, a member of the First XV and a prefect; and for a year after leaving school himself, he taught at a boys' school.


2006 ◽  
Vol 134 (Suppl. 2) ◽  
pp. 162-166
Author(s):  
Vukasin Antic ◽  
Zarko Vukovic

Disputes, divisions and even conflicts, so frequent in Serbia, have not bypassed physicians-members of the Serbian Medical Society; ones of the most important occurred at the crossroad of the 19th and 20th centuries related to foundation of the School of Medicine in Belgrade. The most prominent and persistent advocate of foundation of the School of Medicine was Dr. Milan Jovanovic Batut. In 1899, he presented the paper ?The Medical School of the Serbian University?. Batut`s effort was worth serious attention but did not produce fruit. On the contrary, Dr. Mihailo Petrovic criticized Batut by opening the discussion ?Is the Medical School in Serbia the most acute sanitary necessity or not?? in the Serbian Archives, in 1900. However, such an attitude led to intervention of Dr. Djoka Nikolic, who defended Batut`s views. He published his article in Janko Veselinovic`s magazine ?The Star?. Since then up to 1904, all discussions about Medical School had stopped. It was not even mentioned during the First Congress of Serbian Physicians and Scientists. Nevertheless, at the very end of the gathering, a professor from Prague, Dr. Jaromil Hvala claimed that ?the First Serbian Congress had prepared the material for the future Medical School?, thus sending a message to the attendants of what importance for Serbia its foundation would have been. But the President of both the Congress and the Serbian Medical Society, as well as the editor of the Serbian Archives, Dr. Jovan Danic announced that ?the First Congress of Serbian Physicians and Scientists had finished its work?. It was evident that Danic belonged to those medical circles which jealously guarded special privileges of doctors and other eminent persons who had very serious doctrinal disagreements on the foundation of the Medical School. All that seemed to have grown into clash, which finally resulted in the fact that Serbia got Higher Medical School within the University of Belgrade with a great delay, only after the First World War.


Author(s):  
Davide Turcato

Is anti-militarism an essential or disposable feature of anarchism? The question can be addressed by examining the controversy over intervention in the First World War, in which Malatesta argued that anarchists were to “stand aside to save at least their principles—which means to save the future.” Tellingly, his arguments were the same by which he supported his anti-parliamentarianism. This shows how foundational those arguments were for his anarchism. They concerned the principle of coherence between ends and means, which in turn proceeded from awareness of the heterogony of ends and its twin sides: the unintended consequences of intentional action and the displacement of goals. Malatesta’s perspective ultimately rested on his methodological individualism, which took the form of voluntarism in the prescriptive domain. Malatesta’s foresight is best appreciated in retrospect, for his seeming defeatist attitude truly saved the future: it allowed anarchism to preserve its aims intact by keeping its means coherent with them.


2021 ◽  
pp. 181-190
Author(s):  
Siobhán Hearne

This chapter provides a summary of the key arguments of the book: that reactions to regulation were complicated and multifaceted; that regulation varied widely from place to place; and that there was a huge gulf between the ambitions of the tsarist authorities for policing prostitution, and the corresponding reality. Thereafter, the chapter examines the abolition of the regulation system in July 1917 by the Provisional Government. The social and economic dislocation of the First World War, revolution, and Civil War undoubtedly saw many more women engaging in prostitution. After seizing power from the Provisional Government in October 1917, the Bolsheviks set out to eradicate prostitution as they regarded it as an unwanted remnant of the bourgeois, capitalist past. However, prejudices against women who worked as prostitutes that had been established under the regulation system were difficult to shift, particularly the perception that women who sold sex were responsible for the transmission of venereal diseases. These stubborn ideas meant that attempts to eliminate prostitution in the early Soviet period were destined to be unsuccessful.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-779
Author(s):  
Dónal Hassett

More than any other belligerent power, France relied heavily on the contribution of her colonies during the First World War. Thus, the triumph over the Central Powers and the culture(s) of victory which emerged from it were undeniably ‘imperial’. But what did this mean for the postwar Empire? This article explores the extent to which victory was a disruptive force in France's Empire. It examines how actors of all ideological, social and ethnic backgrounds from across France's colonies articulated their own visions of how victory in the First World War should shape the future of the Empire. It considers their attempts to place the war into their broader narratives of the Empire, past, present and future and thus impose their own ideas of what a just postwar imperial order should look like. Drawing on examples from across the Empire, it underlines the extent to which victory in the First World War gave rise to competing and often opposing demands for a new settlement among colonial administrators, colonial citizens and colonial subjects. In doing so, it teases out the contradictory role played by imperial cultures of victory in simultaneously facilitating contestation of the colonial system and limiting the radicalism of such challenges to Empire.


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